Diwan and Odyssey: Judah Halevi and the secular poetry of mediev al Spain in the light of new discoveries from Petersburg

DIWAN AND ODYSSEY: JUDAH HALEVI AND THE SECULAR POETRY OF MEDIEV AL SPAIN IN THE LIGHT OF NEW DISCOVERIES FROM PETERSBURG Diwan y odisea: Yehudah ha-Levi y la poesia secular de la Espafia medieval a la luz de los nuevos descubrimientos de Leningrado JOSEPH Y AHALOM Hebrew University -Jerusalem BIBLID [0544-408X. (1995)44;23-45] Resumen: Este estudio cuestiona e1 c1asico artfcu10 de Schinnann "The Life of Judah Ha1evi", aparecido hace ya mas de cincuenta afios. Se basa en 1a 1ectura de nuevos manuscritos de 1a segunda co1ecci6n de Firkovich en San Petersburgo y en una nueva eva1uaci6n de1 1enguaje metaf6rico de1 poeta. Tiene tambien en cuenta 10s ya reconocidos topoi y convenciona1ismos de 1a 1iteratura arabe coet3.nea. Abstract: The study is trying to cha11enge Schinnann's classical artic1e "The Life of Judah Halevi" that was pub1ished over fifty years ago. It is based on new manuscript evidence from the second Firkovich co11ections in St. Petersburg as we11 as on a new eva1uation of the poet's metaphoric 1anguage, whi1e taking into account we11 estab1ished topoi and conventions in the para11e1 arabic 1iterature. PaIabras clave: Rutas de peregrinaci6n. Travesfa de1 Mediterraneo. Tecnicas de ortografia. Jarchas romances. Genizah. Criterios de edici6n de diwanes. Ficci6n y rea1idad. A1-Anda1us vs Casti11a. Key words: Pi1grimage routes. Mediterranean Sea faring. Spel1ing techniques. Romance kharjas. Genizah. Editing princip1es of Diwans. Imagery versus rea1ity. A1-Anda1us versus Casti1e. 1. A BRIEF OUTLINE OF PREVIOUS REsEARCH The figure of Judah Halevi towers above the Hebrew poets of medieval Spain as a vibrant intellectual figure deeply involved in the public affairs of his own day. His magnum opus of medieval Jewish thought, Book o! the Kuzari - Rejutation and Proo! on the Despised Faith, is constructed as a sequence of dialogues between a pagan king and the learned spokesmen of the reigning theological trends. Looming beyond the story framework, however, is the attempt to contend with the actuality of Jewish existence in the Diaspora. Yet above and MEAH, secci6n Hebreo 44 (1995) 23-45 24 JOSEPII Y AHALOM beyond the vast literary undertaking emerges the personality of the poet himself, the visionary who actualized his own vision and emigrated to the Land of Israel, recording the joumey in a series of marvelous sea-faring poems. Halevi's poems are numerous indeed, totalling approximately one thousand; scribal copies of his poems are equally abundant. In addition to the two more or less full diwans exist hundreds of Genizah fragments remnants of diwans that made the rounds of Jewish society in the east. The finest and most ancient manuscript of the diwan of Judah Halevi was acquired by Samuel David Luzzatto in Tunis, in 18391• Within twenty-five years Luzzatto managed to publisll two collections of poems based on this manuscript. Published in Lyck in 1864, the collection known as Diwan Yehuda ha-Levi2 had the distinction of being one of the first books published by "Mekize Nirdamim", a society founded in 1862 and dedicated to the pUblication of medieval Hebrew literature. Among the board of trustees at this time was the Karaite Abraham Firkovitch, on whom the diwan seems to have made a deep impression3• Altogether, S. D. Luzzatto published fewer than one hundred texts from the diwan; following his death the manuscript changed hands and reached the Bodleian Library of Oxford. Publication of a complete edition of Halevi's poems remained buried in the protocol of "Mekizei Nirdamim" during the close of the nineteenth century, until the trustees set eyes on a talented young man -none other than Heinrich Brody, eventual Chief Rabbi of Prague, WllO undertook the publication of the diwan. And thus it came about that rather less than one hundred year ago, in Berlin of 1894, the first part of the edition appeared in print.4 Since those days, however, not much has really transpired in the area of scholarly redaction of Halevis writings, causing, it must be admitted, no small injustice to the greatest of medieval Hebrew poets. Yet together with this, these hundred years have witnessed noticeable progress in the research of the poet's life and times. Brody's final volume of the liturgical poetry no longer included commentary' or notes, it is true, and it appeared only after the First World War, in 1930. But a few years later, a new immigrant to Israeli shores named Jefim Shirmann, fresh from Berlin and a pupil of Brody's, began publishing in Jerusalem a series of 1. Virgo Filia Jehudn, ed. S.D. Luzzatto, Prague 1840, p. 5. 2. Idem, Diwan Yehudn ha-Levi, Lyck 1864. 3. Urbach (1964:36). 4. Diwan des Abul-Hasan Jehudn ha-Levi, ed. H. Brody, vol. I, Berlin 1894, p. 10. Facsimile edition with comprehensive index by A. A. Haberman, 1971. [Hereafier known as Diwan]. MEAH, secci6n Hebreo 44 (1995) 23-45 25 DIWAN AND ODYSSEY articles under the short and modest title, "The Life of Judah Halevi". 5 Shirmann built his research on a meticulous reading of the poems themselves, and of the Arabic incipits heading each poem that described the circumstances surrounding each composition. A supplementary cOIltribution to the realm of biography was made by the gifted historian, S.D. Goitein. While immersed in research of the documentary material fronl the Cairo Genizah -that treasure trove of medieval Hebrew manuscripts- Goitein discovered autograph Arabic letters of Judah Halevi, as well as letters emanating from his circle of friends and acquaintances about llis visit to Egypt, cradle of the Genizah. Goitein begall publishing llis discoveries in a series of articles in Jerusalem in 19546; the last of these was published less than twenty years ago.7 Parallel to the major stream of research about JUdall Halevi alld 11is poetry, there was also a trickling of publications from the east. The first of these was by Abrallanl E. Harkavy of St. Petersburg. COllcurrent with the debut of the Brody Diwan, Harkavy published a two-part edition of Halevi' s poetry in Warsaw during the years 1893-1895.8 As stated in the introduction, Harkavy conceived his editioll without any scholastic pretensions as a kind of popular reader for the general public, He therefore contented himself with "sonle brief 110tations from tlle manuscripts" tllat he brougllt as examples, though never providing MS reference. The Ahiasaf Publislling Firm pledged, in the opelring remarks to the first volume, "A conlplete collection of the poems of this great poet and 11is charmillg belletristics". But in the end, Harkavy published via Ahiasaf two volunles of greatly reduced format -and there rested. Years went by; years of revolution and turmoil. The city named after the great builder Peter, now came to be known by the name of the great revolutionary Lenin. Somewhere in the midst of all this, Hebrew culture found itself recedillg into the shadows; tlle name of Judah Halevi little more than a vanisJling memory. More thall a century after tlle first discoveries, Dr. Klavdia Starkova published iIl 1949 new texts of Halevi based on manuscripts il) Lenillgrad; 9 al)d slle . 5. J. Schirmann (1979:1,241-250). The origina1 artic1ewas pub1ished in Tarbiz. vo1. 9 (1938). pp .] 35-54. 219-240, 284-305 [in Hebrew ts of ן igh1ig1 ן 1 he ך' . 6. Goitein (1954: 21-42). Additiona1 artic1es subsequent1y pub1ished in Tarhiz .) these Hebrew artic1es were gathered into an exce11ent Eng1ish artic1e: Goitein (1959b .) 245-250 : 1977 ( 7. Goitein . 1893-1895 8. Rabbi Yehudah ha-Levi, ed. A. Harkavy, Warsaw .) 236 : 1965 ( 9. Schirmann MEAH, secci6n Hebreo 44 (1995) 23-45 26 JOSEPH Y AHALOM incorporated her manuscript findings in a brief study presented to the 25th International Congress of Orientalists, held in Moscow in 1960. 10 In this study, Madame Starkova discusses the versions of the Halevi diwan in light of the Leningrad fragments. This small study speaks about the remnants of forty fragmentary copies from the diwan, preserved in the Saltykov-Shchedrin State Public Library; she herself attempts to classify them for the first time. Due to various transcriptural errors and inaccurate citation of manuscripts, Starkova's brief paper caused quite a few difficulties. One of the last Hebrew sparks to flicker in Leningrad during recent years was represented by Arieh Vilsker. Vilsker began publishing in Moscow of 1982 unknown poems of Halevi from the treasures of Leningrad. 11 Many of Vilsker's findings were silently incorporated into the four volumes of Halevi's liturgical poetry recently published by Dov Jarden in Jerusalem. 12 Vilsker's final and posthumous article published, for the first time ever, the complete text of a letter written by Halevi to his illustrious patron, Moses ibn Ezra of Granada, uncrowned poet-Iaureate of his generation. The letter, alas, was brought in a Yiddish translation. 13 The Hebrew version of this important letter was banned from publication, and the death of Vilsker effectively sealed shut the last window by which we had glimpsed -almost like thieves in the night-- the hidden world of Hebrew manuscripts in Leningrad. Such being the case, it is not surprising that from the moment the Iron Curtain began to rise -ever so slowly!- our imagination reeled into action and our longing for the diwan remnants increased fourfold. 2. DIWAN R. HIYYA THE MOROCCAN One hundred years of research succeeded in piecing together a somewhat patchwork affair, but coping with the remnants of Halevi's creativity requires an overall perspective. Such a view must integrat<: the varied sources in their entirety; not only newly discovered poems but also the Arabic incipits describing the circumstances of composition, and indeed the very organization of the material in the diwan. It was clear that the Leningrad Collection was rich in these sources and vital to the formation of a general perspective. Pending the journey to Leningrad 10. Starkova (1960: 1-13). And cf. E. F1eischer (1991: 139-141). 11. Vi1sker (1982: 128-136). 12. The Liturr;ical Poetry 0/ Rabbi Yehuda Halevi, ed. D. Jarden, vo1s. I-IV, 1978-1986. 13. Vilsker (1988: 130-140) and cf. F1eischer (1986-1987: 898-900). MEAH, secci6n Hebreo 44 (1995) 23-45 DIW AN AND ODYSSEY 27 1 faced the dilennna of how best to record the abundant material in the brief time allotted to my visit -a mere thirty days.14 We were all too well aware that the libraries of Russia had long been out of touch with the west, and that updated professional literature would not be available. Yet it never even occurred to us that a complete copy of the Brody Diwan might not be found in the National Library of Leningrad!15 But here fortune decided to smile on us a bit, and girding ourselves for whatever lay ahead we concealed in the personal handluggage -come what may!- three different items: (1) a photo-copied list of Halevi's poems in the classic diwan, Mahaneh Yehudah. This diwan was thoroughly described in the Oxford catalogue of Hebrew manuscripts by Adolf Neubauer, and it contains a complete list of the opening line and ordinal number of each poem in the diwan, alol1g with the Arabic incipits heading each and every poem. 16 (2) An alphabetical index of eight hundred poems printed in the Brody Diwan, together with a cross reference to its place in the Mahaneh Yehuda MS.17 (3) A booklet that 1 had prepared for my own use in the classroom, in which 1 had arranged all of Halevi's mono-rhymed poems according to rhyme, in alphabetical order.18 But, as it turns out, arranging the poems by reason of rhyme was not in the least original: 1 had been preceded by the editor of Luzzatto's diwan MS, Yeshu'ah Halevi, apparently as far back as the 13th century.19 Nor was this Y eshu' ah Halevi anything more than a compiler, preceded in turn by at least three devotees of J udah Halevi' s poetry. These three men were mentioned by name; first and foremost is R. Hiyya the Moroccan (ha-Mughrabi). We are told that R. Hiyya was a great savant of Halevi' s poetry, and that his work is reliable. Representative of this editing is the manuscript Mahaneh Yehuda that has, unfortunately, conle down to us in a late copy from only three hundred years ago. And even though the editing of R. Hiyya is ancient, and the editor reliable, it was pushed to the wayside by the Diwan ofYeshu'ah Halevi; a relative late-comer but one presented 14. 1 wou1d 1ike to take this opportunity to thank the Israe1 Academy of Sciences and Humanities for their assistance with everything pertaining to this visit. 15. Brody, Diwan (n. 4). 16. Neubauer (1886: 641-656); (MS no. Poc. 740',1970). 17. Brody, Dfwan, vo1. IV, pp. 5-20 (new pagination at end of vo1ume). 18. Yaha10m (1975). 19. Yaha10m & 1. Benabu (1985: 249-251). According to new evidence Yeshu'ah 1ived in Cairo during the midd1e of the 13"' cent. F1eischer (1994: 273-276) identifies R. Hiyya with a mid. 12"' century namesake judge again from Cairo. MEAH, secci6n Hebreo 44 (1995) 23-45 JOSEPH YAHALOM 28 in an eye-opening script and near the time of its editor. Yet it seems that the iniquity created by the whims of fate can today be rectified by virtue of the seven hundred leaves from the diwan in St. Petersburg. All of these leaves are from the second collection of Abraham Firkovitch, who worked so tirelessly in gathering the diwan fragments of the poet throughout the communities of the east. Remnants of one of the finest and most ancient manuscripts found in St. Petersburg contain sections of the secular poems (MS Firk. EBp. IIA 43-56 leaves), together with sections of liturgical poetry (MS Firk. EBp. IIA 206-65 leaves). That is, 1211eaves from the diwan according to the editing by R. J-:Iiyya. We do not know today in what state the material reached Firkovitch, but since the poems are lacking ordinal numbers, Firkovitch apparently encountered problems in organizing the leaves. Words to this effect were jotted on the classier by Firkovitch himself: "And from the dearth of compositional marks ... 1 organized the leaves just as they had faIlen, for 1 had gathered the leaves in a Genizah -some in this way and others in that". But this manuscript is not the only representative to the classic diwan edited by R. Hiyya. In essence, nearly all of the manuscripts that 1 examined correspond almost entirely with the sequence in Diwan R. Hiyya. This is true not only for the placement of the poems but for the Arabic incipits as well, describing, as mentioned earlier, the whys and wherefores surrounding the composition of each particular poem. A survey of the scattered sixty-six leaves from MS Firk. EBp. IIA 209-1, reveals that it too contains entire sequences of Halevi's poems, in full correspondence with the sequences of diwan Mahaneh Yehuda. So, for example, do the thirty-four numbers from 29-62 correspond (at slight intervals) with the sequence of poems 33-65 in Mahaneh Yehuda. And from this aspect the copy reflects, as it were, another representative of Diwan R. Hiyya, with nothing new to offer. I The real surprise was concealed in the final pages of the section for secular poetry, on leaves 46 and 47. Here the editor explicity refers to R. Hiyya, bringing , 365 . three different supplements to that diwan. Thus does the editor offer, for no a poem written by Halevi during his Egyptian sojourn, prior to continuing the joumey onward to the Holy Land. Beginning with the words "My thoughts at 20 the poem was יפיעס), הכונחב אל (סיחמש " Hannukah are not rejoicing written during Hannukah after leaving Alexandria, and is expressly mentioned in 20. Brody, Diwan, vol. 1, p. 116. MEAH, secci6n Hebreo 44 (1995) 23-45 29 DIWAN AND ODYSSEY a letter addressed to the poet during his stay in Cairo.21 We know that while in Alexandria Halevi had enjoyed the hospitality of Aharon b. al-' Ammani, Chief Justice ofthe AlexandrianJewish community. Yet we also know that his stay had aroused a not inconsiderable amount of sociai tension and ferment among the local Jews. In this poem, then, Halevi distinguishes between the recipient -the High Court Judge who had so graciously received him- and his detractors, whom he labels in words of the prophet 1saiah (33: 12) "thorns trampled down". Not surprisingly, this generated bitter resentment against the poet in Alexandria, as we find in a letter mentioning the poem. This problematic poem was not included in Diwan R. Hiyya, but we do find it in the Diwan of Yeshu'ah Halevi, along with Transmitted in the script "( ןמ לקנ טכ דוד ןב 'ר ןומימ : the following attribution of David b. Maimon").22 The same attribution accompanies a poetic reproach addressed to one boor who had invited both the poet and another guest to his wedding -only to promptly forget them both. 23 Appearing, as stated, in a supplement to the manuscript, this poem is also brought in the Diwan of Yeshu'ah Halevi with the attribution "From the script of R. David" appended to its Arabic incipit. 1t, too, is missing from the Diwan of R. Hiyya.24 Most instructive of all is the third poem -a quasida from the Diwan of Samuel ha-Nagid- Hebrew poet and statesman of 11 th century Granada. 25 The compiler copied only the beautiful opening lines of the poem, commenting at the end that the poem had been found The fragnlented אדהו. דיצקלא ץקאנ סנל [דגי הנמ יוס אמ בתכ : fragmented ' poem, along with the Arabic incipit and the final words of explanation, are of course copied word for word in the Diwan of Yeshu'all Halevi, along with the attribution to R. David. 26 1t becomes evident, therefore, that it is to this diwan . that Yeshu'ah Halevi refers when mentioning the transmission of David b Maimon. And since David b. Maimon himself was obviously relying on Diwan R. Hiyya and copying directly from it, it becomes evident that the classic diwan of R. Hiyya is the one serving him and all the compilers hereafter. Yeshu'ah 21. Goitein (1959a: 343-361). ldem (1954: 30) believes for some reason that the poem was composed while still in Alexandria. See also Goiiein (1959b: 54). 22. Neubauer (1886: 656-657. no. 180). 23. Brody, Diwan, vol. II, p. 271. 24. Neubauer (1886: 657. n. 196). 25. Divan Shmuei Hanagid, ed. D. Yarden. Jerusalem 1976. pp. 158-160.347. 26. Neubauer (1886: 657. n. 388). MEAH. secci6n llebreo 44 (1995) 23-45 JOSEPH Y AHALOM 30 Halevi based therefore his compilation on the classic diwan of R. Hiyya, while .) utilizing the "improvements" of David b. Maimon and others (Sa'id Ibn al-Qas The dominance of Diwan R. I:Iiyya is all the more conspicuous when attempting to identify copies of Diwan Yeshu 'ah Halevi among the fragments of . Leningrad, or even among the Genizah collections scattered throughout the west And it must be admitted, that 1 have to date found only one single copy of this edition, and it derives from the fragments of St. Petersburg.27 It is only a pity that this late revision of Diwan R. I:Iiyya -the one implementing the alphabetic order of the rhymesmade its impact on modem research in so overwhelming a fashion, despite the drawbacks involved. Now that we possess so many copies of the classic Diwan of R. Hiyya -including those antedating the copy made from Diwan Yeshu'ah Haleviwe cannot but wish to sound out this ancient . vessel and study of its structure Initial perusal of Diwan R. Hiyya shows that it opens with the first poem written by the young Judah to his highly-placed patron and fellow-poet, Moses ibn Ezra of Granada. In the large manuscript containing remnants of Diwan R. Hiyya אדהי ליא אמ הבטאכ הב דנע : we find the Arabic incipit heading this poem And it is the beginning of that which he addressed him at the "( המידק ןמ הדלב time of his approach from his city ").28 This is nothing less than a reference to the famous departure of Moses ibn Ezra to the Christian north, following the Almoravid invasion of 1090.29 All the dangers notwithstanding, Ibn Ezra had been reluctant to abandon his beloved city of Granada, fleeing in the end only by the skin of his teeth, apparently before the year 1095. 30 Judah Ha1evi, dwelling 182-184,224-, 145-146 , 107-109 , 7-17,53-59 27. MS Firk. EBp. 11 A 614, pp. 7-10,75-78, poems . 8-10 . 227. See Luzzatto, Diwan (above no. 2), pp . 28. See: Vilsker (1988: 132); Fleischer (1986-1987), in the wake of Vilsker' s article 29. It is customary to interpret this as Halevi's arrival in Granada. Conceming Halevi's stay in Granada during the time that Moses ibn Ezra was also present we have only the evidence from the , 255 : 1979 ( incipit ofpoem 33 in diwan Mahaneh Yehuda (Neubauer, 1886: 643). And see: Shirmann 258). But even here it is only staed that Halevi had been exspected in Granada, but not that he actually was there. Accordingly it was ibn Ezra who responded to the poem intended for Halevi. But in addition to this we now have at our disposal another version of this same incipit, establishing that Ibn Ezra imitated the two poems -both the initial address and Halevi's responseafierthey both reached , him. And in this diwan the poem of Moses ibn Ezra indeed appears afier the preceding two poems : and not between them -as we find in diwan Mahaneh Yehuda. See also the following incipit אמל[פ] אגלב ןיתידיצקלא אעימג ילא בחאצ הטרשלא ןבא ןןראה ןב הרזע בתכ ילא ןבא בןיא החדמי הדהב תאיבאלא הצראעמ ןיתדיצקלל ) 3 . (MS Firk. EBp. 11 A 206-1, p . 30. See: Brody (1933-1934: 313-314); Seiected Poems 01 Moses lbn Ezra, eds. H. Brody & S. De .) 3 Solis-Cohen, Philadelphia 1934, p. 22; Shirmann (1979: 251-252, note MEAH. secci6n Hebreo 44 (1995) 23-45 31 DIW AN AND ODYSSEY in Christian Spain to the north, seeks to halt Moses ibn Ezra in his path, as it were, imploring: "Stand thou, stand still our brothers a little while longer that we 3! Further on in the ןדמע. ןדימע טק טעמ ןניחא הכרבנן םכתא ," may bless thee poem Halevi calls the poet-scholar "candle of the west", the luminary of the Andalusian seat of culture. The Christian north, in contrast to the "west" of Andalusia, was known as the "east" -such were the points of the compass according to those times. Immediately afterwards a tinge of sadness steals into the -poem, when Halevi declares that Ibll Ezra -the epitome of Andalusian culture Words such as these .)~ר ץראב (ברעמ " is "a foreigner in the land of the west could never have been written prior to the Almoravid invasion about a man like Ibn Ezra; a man commanding a position of respect with the powers that had once . held sway Moses ibn Ezra replied to the talented youngster a full measure for measure in the poem "The children of Fate hastened"32. This poem is marked in the . Diwan as Poem no. 2, and comes immediately after the poem by Judah Halevi Here Ibn Ezra marvels at the youthfulness of a poet who spun silk from mere words, and whose star had risen out of Christian Spain. He concludes his poem and ןג) (בהא " with the hope of meeting the young Halevi in a "garden of love . the ripened fruits of friendship - ידגמ) (םידןד " there to pluck the "fruits of love (תיב " Extending the metaphor, Ibn Ezra goes on to mention the "imposing home in which they might enjoy fellowship, even when all other doors were תןדימ) , locked before them. Moses ibn Ezra took a dim view of the Christian north seeing it as a place that did not look kindly upon the bearers of culture. Receiving . the poem of this talented northern youth was a draft of fresh air for a weary spirit 33 . Thn Ezra no doubt wished to meet the young prodigy and take pleasure in lris company 31. Brody, Diwan, p. 273 et seq. According to our understanding the corespondence between the two poets began not before 1090, but at a later time -following Ibn Ezra's departure from Granada (between 1092-1095). And since Halevi was in this period still exceedingly young, it must be assumed that he was born around 1080. We do not know when exactly the great poet approached the region of the young Judah, that he was able to announce: "Stand thou, stand still". Since up until now it has been customary to believe that the young Judah lingered in the company of Ibn Ezra in Granada prior to 1090, Halevi's birthdate was fixed at a date no later than 1075. 32. The Secular Poetry 0/ Moses Ibn Ezra, ed. H. Brody, Berlin 1935, p. 22 et seq. 33. Brody, Seiected Poems (above no. 30), p. 189, saw here an actual invitation to be a guest in his home, as did: Shirmann (1979: 255): "He urges him to come visit him without hesitation; and that if he should not find lodgings in Granada, why then his home was wide open before him". Thus does he interpret the finalline of the poem: "And an imposing house / to dwell.inside it / the day that every house / is closed from entering". On the closing ofthe door of grace before Ibn Ezra during his period MEAH, secci6n Hebrco 44 (1995) 23-45 JOSEPH Y AHALOM 38 the editor infonns us that he had heard from his master, who had heard it from Judah Halevi, that the liturgical poem beginning "1 shall open the gates of my . was the first poem composed in his youth החתפא) ירעש (יננר " rejoicing According to this, the editor of the New Diwan is a link in the chaill of 52 . transmission extending back to the great poet himself The Arabic incipits ofthe New Diwan, due to their independent standing, are a not disappointing font of infonnation about the poet and his poetry. This is partially due to the opportunity we now have for comparing with incipits that have . been obscure up until now 4. THE FINAL CHAPTER IN THE LIFE OF JUDAH HALEVI One of the most problematic issues hovering over Halevi's emigration to the Holy Land is his prolonged sojourn in Egypt. The poet cast anchor in Alexandria on September 8, 1140, a week before the Jewish High Holidays, and it was only six months later, during the week of Pentecost, that he sailed away from the city. The interim was spent hobnobbing with the wealthy grandees of Alexandria and composing light and worldly verses. Even frivolous subjects -such as the ponds and fountains decorating the luxurious gardens of the wealthyfound a place in his poems during this period. Not without reason did people suggest that such things were a bit out of keeping for a pilgrim intent upon reaching the Holy Land. But the worst of all occurrs sometime before Hanukah, when Halevi sailed up the Nile on his way to Cairo.53 Assuming that Halevi intended to make the journey by sea, as indeed transpired in the end, this is a grave deviation from the route of a holy pilgrim. Unless, of course, we presume that he sought to make the journey by land -and such indeed turns out to be the case. It was for this reason that the poet hastened to Cairo just after the holidays spent in Alexandria, hoping thereby to shorten the journey. From Cairo he also made the first attempt to set out for the city of Gaza prior to the tenth of Teveth, but this attempt, like others that apparently followed it its wake, proved unsuccessful. Testimony of a pilgrim from the early 12th century appears in a letter sent from Alexandria by a Jew of Spain (or North Africa). In this letter the pilgrim explicitly records: "1 went from Alexandria to Cairo in order to make the journey Vilsker (1982: 134; 1983: 150-151). This could possibly be understood that ;)ך 6- : 1960 ( 52. Starkova the teacher of the editor heard this about the poet, or even that it all stems from an overly literal ." interpretation of the words "1 shall open rejoicing .) 51 : 53. Goitein (1959b MEAH, secci6n Hebreo 44 (1995) 23-45 39 DIW AN AND ODYSSEY literally: "tbe ascent") to Jemsalem from tbere.54 Such was apparently Judah ( headed in tbe ןלכןיה) (םירגפ Halevi's plan of action, as emerges from a poem New Diwan by a lengtby Arabic incipit: "And when he was overcome witb longing for it [for tbe Holy Land] he decided to journey thitber, and seeking encouragement from his friends tbey pressed him to stay witb tbem and then 55 . said ... "upon which begins tbe opening lines of this lovely poem Spinning out his plans for tbe journey, Halevi paints a vivid picture of the hardships along tbe way: "And fear and trembling ... to cast Spain behind ... and to ride upon boats / and to tread lands of drought / tbe dens of lions / and tbe hillsides of tigers". 56 The journey to the Holy Land accordingly entailed a march a reference most probably to the Desert of Sinai. Another (תןיצ), across tbe desert danger facing the pilgrim was that of tbe highway robbers who roamed the deserts at will, not to mention tbe hazardous passage from Fatimid mle and the realm of Islam to Christian sovereignity of tbe Cmsader Kingdom. With so perilous a 57 . journey stretching before him, Halevi stood in need of all possible assistance Of an unsuccessful attempt to reach the Holy Land we learn from the incipit of one of the poems dedicated to Halevi's Cairo benefactor, Halfon b. Netbanel ha-Levi al-Dimya!i, an eminent merchant well-known to Halevi from his frequent לאקן יפ ךישלא יבאדיעט ןב יטאימדלא לז אמדנע ךכא יפ : journeys to Spain And he wrote about the "( (דארא), רפטלא קפתאי הל הדיעלא ןמ קירטלא distinguished Abu Said Ibn al-Dimyati ofblessed memory when he set off for tbe journey [in Diwan R. Hiyya: sought to journey] and it came about that he returned .)" from tbe way The poem itself opens with an emotional declaration: "My heart awakens me 58 The יבל). יריעמ תילעל תיבל ישדק (יריעי " to ascend to my Sanctuary and city poet thereupon presents tbe circumvented journey as the work of Divine Providence, a heavenly omen like unto tbe one granted King Hezekiahu, for whose sake tbe shadow of tbe sundial had turned back a full ten degrees, so that morning . 54. Goitein (1980: 252 and 327). And cf. the famous route of Judah Alharizi . 184 . 55. Brody, Diwan, vol. II p 56. "To tread lands of drought" can also be interpreted as a rhetorical f1ourish, signifying the dangers lurking ahead in a general sense. In any case, it appears already in Keter Malkhut of Solomon ibn .) 303 : 1979 ( Gabirol. See: Abramson (1965: 52). Cf. Shirmann appears here in the Arabic meaning (דע) " 57. Brody, Diwan, vol. 1, p. 213. And the word "until . that is: so that I might reach Jerusalem ~ . 73 . 58. Brody, Diwan, vol. J, p MEAH, secci6n Hebreo 44 (1995) 23-45 JOSEPH Y AHALOM 40 light shone upon him at night.59 In retrospect, yet another miracle had been wrought for the poet: for had not the Lower Nile inundated the craggy mountains , of Spain? This is, of course, by way of extolling the Egyptian merchant I:Ialfon who was tending to all the needs of the Spanish Halevi. Nor was that all: I:Ialfon ow into gladness. This thought was conveyed ח had even transformed the poet's sO e Hebrew ל by means of a neat Hebrew word-play on the name "Halfon" and t.. :" linguistic root for "exchange" or "transform Halfon, as is called / exchanges sighs for tranquility . A day of pillage and misfortune / tranformed to festivity ןופלח ארקמ / ףילחמ החנא החגהב םוי דוש הרצו / ךפה םויל התשמ החמשו , ust exactly what that "pillage" was we shall apparently never know. At any rate ] standing firmly to the right of the shattered and wayweary traveller we find a personage of redoubtable means. The poem concludes with a specific mention of the date (the fast on the tenth of the month of Teveth, December 22, 1140) by םוצ ירישעה / יגח (ברב rhyming it into a reference of his benefactor Halfon ןופלח). יריבג Before us, therefore, is important evidence that three and a half months from the day of the poet's arrival in Egypt -prior to the above mentioned fast of . Teveth- Halevi had already attempted his luck at making the journey by land . The attempt ended in failure How many other attempts the poet made we have no way of knowing; but the entire project reached a crisis during the close of winter 1141. A letter dispatched from Alexandria informs him at this juncture that a place on the boat had yet to be obtained for him, inasmuch as he had not yet announced whither his steps were directed: eastwards, to the Holy Land, or westward -to Spain.60 A sizeable faction of detractors had already accumulated in Alexandria from days of old, due to the hedonistic buoyancy that imbued some of his compositions, not to mention the wine-drinking poems and luxuriant descriptions of nature. Yet now it was not only the nature of his writing that they questioned, but the route of the journey . itself 59. II Kings 20:9-11; Isaiah 38:8. 60. Goitein (1959a: 346, 353, 357). MEAH, secci6n Hebreo 44 (1995) 23-45 41 DIW AN AND ODYSSEY Certain members of this group, as it turns out, began murmuring against . Halevi for sailing up the Nile to Cairo, though the Holy Land was his goal Responding to this criticism, Halevi wrote his well-know polemic poem: "To 61 referring, of םירצמל), ילע לכ ריע (הליהת " Egypt above all cities praise course, to the city of Fustat, the ancient Cairo of today. Apparently composed while yet in Cairo, Halevi appraises the superiority of the Holy Land while at the same time emphasizing the relative importance of Cairo. Employing the virtuoso and a play of homonyms, Halevi shows that (הלע) use of a Hebrew linguistic root whoever ascends up the Nile to such places -a mark of ascendance shall it be . unto him But not for a man like Judah Halevi to rest content with the ascendancy of Cairo. After his efforts to cross the desert in winter had failed, and with the advent of spring, he resolved to try his luck by sea, calmed in the meanwhile from . the tempests of winter. He therefore acquired passage for a sea voyage to the east He boarded the boat on Thursday May 8th; the following Wednesday would mark the beginning of Pentecost. He spent a full seven days in anticipation of the Westwind that would urge the sails of his boat towards the coast of Acre -the great Crusader seaport of the Holy Land. To his misfortune, a strong easterly wind was blowing in those days.62 But to our OWll great good fortune -it was apparently those very days in which Judah Halevi wrote some of his most . beautiful poems of all After the tribulations of trying to cross the Muslim border by land, we can easily comprehend the small poem apparelltly composed on board his ship after 63. In this poem he יהלא) לא (רבשת long days in expectation of the Westwind seeks to thank the Westwind that would bring him closer to the Crusader port and remove at long last the yoke of Islam. A poem that speaks of leaving the Arab regime could obviously not have been written on the way from Muslim Spain to . Muslim Alexandria, nor on the way from Muslim Alexandria to Muslim Ashkelon In order to understand the complexity of the poet, it is vital that we explore another facet of composition during this critical stage of his life. Instructive indeed is the fact that even in those same days prior to setting sail, Halevi continued to 61. Brody, Diwan, vol. 11, p. 180) and thus does Prof. Ratzhabi translate the Arabic incipit (Neubauer, 1886: 658): What he said about those, who criticised him for going up to Fustat even though his desire was unto the Land of Israel. And hc said in its praise ... 62. Sec: Goitein (1977; 1959b: 55) 63. Brody, Diwan, vol. 11, p. 168. MEAH, secci6n Hebreo 44 (1995) 23-45 JOSEPH Y AHALOM 42 . cultivate social ties with his bountiful Alexandrian patron, Aharon b. al-' Ammani A poem 64 composed for al-'Ammani -"aboard ship" according to the Arabic incipitexpresses his gratitude to this same eastem wind; the one delaying him in Alexandria and allowing him to continue weaving the threads of friendship. We must keep in mind that small boats plying back and forth between the ship facilitated contact with the coast. A comparison between these two poems, the social-type poem and the one of personallyric, is apt to be most illuminating. The personallyric beseeclleS the Almightly not to quell the Westwind that had finally begun to stir, opening with a moving appeal: "My Lord, break not the breakers of יהלא (לא, " ... unto the sea-waves and Westwind the sea ... till 1 have given thanks The social-type poem of רבשת). ירבשמ םי ... ידע הדוא ... ילגל םי חורו יברעמ friendship, on the other hand, is launched by a witty invocation to the sea to desist from its storm, so that he might go ashore and kiss his benefactor. For the sake of social diversion, the poet was even ready to curse the Westwind that was to bring him to the Holy Land. In this same vein he even mulls over a question arising by itself, as it were, by sheer neccessity. With the blast of heat and the howl of the desert winds, how could a man possibly leave the shelter of his (ףלח patron's home? Responding to this question with a dazzling play of sounds the poet explains that in place of לצל) תרוק תונ ברה / ילצ ןןעמ הירק ךלמל בר the sheltering oasis provided by his great benefactor he prefers the refuge of the . Great King, of the Holy Sanctuary and city of the King who is King of all Kings בר), / (יבר Composed within a single week and practically in the same rhyme these two poems amply reflect the twin aspect inherent in the work and . personality of the man of society, the great poet and the great believer Illuminating indeed is this last chapter in the life of the poet. From its vicissitudes do we learn the fate of an enlightened Hebrew figure in one of the stormiest periods ever weathered by Jewish culture. During that very time when the general tendency was to gravitate northward towards the burgeoning economic opportunities of the developing Christian kingdoms, the poet instead turned his gaze southwards. For in Andalusia were yet dwelling the great figures of Torah study and science, and the finest of poets still flourished therein in this, the spiritual center of Jewish culture. But the idealistic attempt ended in 64. Ibid, vol. 1, p. 10. Goitein sees the poem as having been composed during the poet's first entry into the port of Alexandria, but if so it is difficult to understand the poem's reference to the sheltering home belonging to the subject of these panegyric lines. See: Goitein (1954: 28) MEAH, secci6n Hebreo 44 (1995) 23-45 43 DIW AN AND ODYSSEY disappointment, with the eruption of a new wave of fanatic invaders from North Africa (1140). Abraham ibn Ezra departed, never again to return, directing his steps towards the lands of Christian Europe. The great Maimonides -alongside his father, Chief Judge Maimondescended into the very eye of the cyclone itself, into the throbbing regions of North Africa. And Judah Halevi resolved to actualize his life's dream at long last -the Land of Israel. REFERENCES .] Abramson, S., 1965, Quotations -A Study in Medieval Hebrew Poetry. Jerusalem [in Hebrew n ז Abramson, S., 1970, "A Letter of Rabbi Judah ha-Levi to Rabbi Moses Ibn Ezra" . In: Hayyi . 397-411 . Jejim) Schirmann Jubilee Volume. Jerusalem, pp ( , Baer, Y., 1938, "The Political Situation of the Spanish Jews in the Age of Jehuda Halevi". Zion .] vol. 1, pp. 13-20 [h .] Baer, Y., 1978, A History 01 the Jews in Christian Spain. Philadelphia [English Edition Benabu, 1. & J. Yahalom, 1986, "The Importance of the Genizah Manuscripts for the ." Establishment of the Text of the Hispano-Romance Kharjas in Hebrew Characters . 40 . Romance Philology, vol . Brody, H., 1933-1934, "Moses ibn Ezra -Incidents in his Life". Jewish Qatterly Review, vol . 309-320 . 24, pp . Corriente, F., 1977, A Grammatical Sketch 01 Spanish-Arabic Dialect Bundle. Madrid Fleischer, E., 1986-1987, "On the Sources about the Youth of Rabbi Judah Halevi and the .] Beginning ofhis Connections with Moses ibn Ezra". Qiryat Se1er, vol. 61, pp. 893-910 [h ." Fleischer, E., 1991, "Materials and Studies toward a Future Edition of JUdah Halevi's Poems .] Asu./Jot, vol. 5, pp. 139-141 [h ." Fleischer, E., 1994, "Yehuda Halevi -Remarks Concerning His Life and Poetical Ouevre . 241-276 . Jsrael Levin Jubilee Volume -Studies in Hebrew Literature 1, pp Goitein, S.D., 1954, "The Last Phase ofRabbi Yehuda Hallevi's Life in the Light of the Geniza .] Papers". Tarbiz, vol. 24, pp. 21-42 [h Goitein, S.D., 1959a, "Letters about R. Yehuda Halevi's Stay in Alexandria and the Collection .] of his Poems". Tarbiz, vol. 29, pp. 343-361 [h Goitein, S.D., 1959b, "The Biography of Rabbi Judah Ha-Levi in the Light of the Cairo Geniza . Documents". In: Proceedings 01 the American Academy 01 Jewish Research, vol. 28, pp . 41-56 245-250 . Goitein, S.D., 1977, "DidJudah ha-Levi Arrive in the Holy Land?". Tarbiz, vol. 46, pp .] h [ Goitein, S.D., 1980, Palestinian Jewry in Early Jslamic and Crusader Times. Jerusalem [in .] Hebrew . Jones, A., 1988, Romance Kharjas in Andi1lusian Arabic Muwassah Poetry. OXford .] Levine, A., 1972. The Jmala in Arabic Dialects. Ph.d. dissertation. The Hebrew University [h MEAH, secci6n Hebreo 44 (1995) 23-45 JOSEPH Y AHALOM 44 . Neubauer, A., 1886, Catalogue oj the Hebrew Manuscripts in the Bodleian Library. Oxford . Pagis, D., 1970, The Secular Poetry and Poetics oj Moses ibn Ezra and his Contemporaries .] Jerusalem [h Ratzaby, Y., 1993, "Arabic RUbrics in Yehuda Halevy's Poetry".Alei Sejer -A Journal oj .] Hebrew BibliograpllY and Booklore, XVII, pp. 39-72 [h : Schirmann, J., 1946, "The Contemporary Poets of Moses Ibn Ezra and Yehuda Halevi". In . 6 . Studies oj the Research Institute jor Hebrew Poetry, vol .] Schirmann, J., 1965, New Hebrew Poems jrom the Genizah. Jerusalem [h ] Schirmann, J., 1979, Studies in the History oj Hebrew Poetry and Drama. Jerusalem [h 97-. Schirmann, J., 1980, "Secular Hebrew Poetry in the Geniza Manuscripts" .Te'uda, vol. 1, pp .] 123 [h Singer, H.B.,1969,Die Verbreitung der /mala im Spanisch-Arabischen -Problemen. Methoden . und Fragestellungen. Festgabe fur H. Wehr. Wiesbaden Starkova, K.B., 1960, "Versions of the the 'Judah Halevi's Diwan' according to Leningrad 1- . Fragments" . In: Papers oj the 25th /nternational Congress oj Orientalists. Moscow, pp . 13 . Stern, S.M., 1974, Hispano-Arabic Strphic Poetry. Oxford . " Urbach, A.A., 1964, "Remarks Commemorating the One Hundreth Anniversary of the Society ו. The Society oj Mekize Nirdamim 1864-1964. Jerusalem [h , Vilsker, A., 1982, "U nknown Poems of J udah Halevi" . In: Sovietisch Heimland, vol. 2, Moscow .] 128-136 [in Yiddish Vilsker, A., 1983, "198 Poems of Yehuda Halevi from an Unknown Redaction". In: Sovietisch .] Heimland, vol. 6, pp. 135-151 [in Yiddish , 5 . Vilsker, A., 1988, "Letter of Judah Halevi to Moses ibn Ezra" . In: Sovietisch Heimland, vol . Moscow, pp. 130-140 [in Yiddishj Yahalom, J., 1975, Mono-rhymed Poems oj Rabbi Judah Halevi. Jerusalem [publication of .] Akademon Yahalom, J. & I. Benabu, 1985, "Towards a History of the Transmission of Secular Hebrew .] Poetry from Spain". Tarbiz, vol. 54, pp. 249-251 [h SUPPLEMNT THE MAKING OF A DIWAN: THE VICISSITUDES OF TRANSMlSSION I. Printed Editions: 1. Samuel David Luzzatto, Virgo Filia Jehuda. Prague 1840. 2. Samuel David Luzzatto, Diwan Yehuda ha-Levi. Lyck 1864, (Society of Mekize Nirdanim [Rousers of Those Who Slumber]). 3. Heinrich (Hayyim) Brody, Diwan des AbuI-Hasan Jehuda ha-Levi, vols. I-IV, Berlin 1894-1930 (Society of Mekize Nirdanim) [Facsimile edition with index by A.A. Haberman, 1971]. 4. A. Harkavy, Rabbi Yehudah ha-Levi. Warsaw 1893-1895, vols. I-II, (Ahiasaf). MEAH, secci6n Hebreo 44 (1995) 23-45 DIW AN AND ODYSSEY 45 5. Dov Jarden, The Liturgicai Poetry 0/ Rabbi Yehuda Haievi, vo1s. I-IV, Jerusa1em 1978. II. Diwan Manuscripts and Fragments: A. Diwan R. Hiyya the Maroccan (mid. 12th c.) 1. MS Bod1. 1970 -Mahaneh Yehuda, the c1assic diwan (copy some 300 years old) 2. MS Firk. EBp. IIA 43 -secu1ar potery; 56 1eaves 3. MS Firk. EBp. IIA 206 -liturgica1 poetry; 65 1eaves 4. MS Firk. EBp. IIA 209-1 -appended by R. David b. Maimon; 661eaves 5. MS Bod1. 1971 -Diwan compi1ed by Yeshu'ah Ha1evi (13th c.) -Ms acquired by Luzzatto. B. New Diwan 1. MS Firk. EBp IIA 44-1 2. MS Firk. EBp IIA 208-1 (termed: Manuscript A) (termed: Manuscript B) (39 leaves w/o ordina1 numbers) MEAH, secci6n Hebreo 44 (1995) 23-45