Language education policy and teachers in Puerto Rico: implications for identity, sovereignty, and community in a context of displacements

73 ISSN 1989 - 9572 Language education policy and teachers in Puerto Rico: implications for identity, sovereignty, and community in a context of displacements La política educativa y los docentes en Puerto Rico: implicaciones para la identidad, la soberanía y la comunidad en el contexto de los desplazamientos Kristine M. Harrison, University of Wisconsin-Madison, USA Journal for Educators, Teachers and Trainers, Vol. 9 (1) http://www.ugr.es/~jett/index.php Fecha de recepción: 12 de septiembre de 2017 Fecha de revisión: 11 de febrero de 2018 Fecha de aceptación: 22 de junio de 2018 Harrison, K. M. (2018). Language education policy and teachers in Puerto Rico: Implications for identity, sovereignty, and community in a context of displacements. Journal for Educators, Teachers and Trainers, Vol. 9(1). 73 – 86. 74 Journal for Educators, Teachers and Trainers, Vol. 9 (1) ISSN 1989 – 9572 http://www.ugr.es/~jett/index.php Language education policy and teachers in Puerto Rico: implications for identity, sovereignty, and community in a context of displacements La política educativa y los docentes en Puerto Rico: implicaciones para la identidad, la soberanía y la comunidad en el contexto de los desplazamientos Kristine M. Harrison, University of Wisconsin-Madison, USA [email protected] Abstract In the post-hurricane María Caribbean, Puerto Rico presents a unique case for teacher educators and policymakers. The article offers a critical reflection about the experience of the colonial non-autonomous U.S.-imposed school system, and contributes to teacher education and language education policymaking (LEP) by exploring the effect of displacements, schooling on identity, and the role teachers can play. The article is based on an analysis that broadened the notion of language and education policy to include standards, textbooks, and teaching practices. The research question is about indigenous identity in a context of not only colonial schooling but conflicting visions of history, and loss of oral tradition in lieu of standardized school-sanctioned knowledge. The article suggests that community and indigenous models and educational autonomy would be more sustainable, practical, and just than standardized notions of school. Resumen En el Caribe post-huracán María, Puerto Rico presenta un caso único para educadores de docentes y formuladores de políticas. El artículo ofrece una reflexión crítica sobre la experiencia del sistema escolar colonial sin autonomía impuesto por los EE. UU., y contribuye a la educación del profesorado y la formulación de políticas de educación lingüística (LEP) explorando el efecto de los desplazamientos, la escolarización en la identidad y el papel de los docentes. El artículo se basa en un análisis que amplió la noción de lenguaje y política educativa para incluir estándares, libros de texto y prácticas de enseñanza. La pregunta de investigación trata la identidad indígena en un contexto no solo de educación colonial sino de visiones conflictivas de la historia y pérdida de la tradición oral en lugar del conocimiento estandarizado sancionado por la escuela. El artículo sugiere que los modelos comunitarios e indígenas y la autonomía educativa serían más sostenibles, prácticos y justos que las nociones estandarizadas de la escuela. Palabras clave: Política educativa; Migración; Conocimiento indígena; Educación comunitaria; Sostenibilidad Keywords: Educational policy; Migration; indigenous knowledge; Community education; Sustainability 75 1. Introduction The article offers lessons from an extreme example of colonial schooling, and how these lessons can be useful to many marginalized cultural groups that lack control of their own education policies and institutions. In the wake of disaster, it extends a study about the indigenous identity in Puerto Rico, the role of U.S. schooling in erasing this identity in the early 20th century, and documentation of its erasure in the early 21st century; in effect a study of the implications for assimilative, standardized schooling on identity and traditional, place-based knowledge (Harrison, 2016) 1 . In the context of a century of migrations, the island was nowhere near self-sufficient, in massive debt. The extension of the study focuses on the importance of language education policy and teacher preparation for community, sovereignty and identity. Puerto Rico exists now in the aftermath of Hurricane Irma and especially Hurricane María, which devastated many Caribbean islands in September of 2017. As a recent article suggests, it was a man-made disaster: the issue is why Irma and María were so devastating and why rebuilding so difficult (Schwartz, 2017), made more difficult given the lack of political and economic autonomy. The hurricane is causing another massive displacement of Puerto Ricans to the U.S.—whereas 89,000 people had left in 2015 due to economic or other reasons, between late September and early December 2017, at least 200,000 people fled the island (Matthew, 2017) in the wake of a lack of electricity, death, and destruction. However, hurricane relief has been hindered by lack of political autonomy. Puerto Rico is not on the United Nations’ list of ‘non-self-governing territories 2 , because since 1952 it has its own elected officials. However, the island lacks autonomy and self-determination: the U.S. maintains a stranglehold on its institutions, affecting the economy and education. After being colonized by Spain from 1493-1898, a second colonial period began. Spain lost the island to the U.S. in the Spanish-American war, during which the Dominican Republic and Cuba became independent (McCoy & Scarano, 2009; Mintz, 2010). In 1899 just a few months after the U.S. invasion, Hurricane Ciriaco caused over 3000 deaths, the destruction of most agriculture, and great loss of homes and infrastructure. The U.S. had military control of the island at the time, and helped with recovery. In fact the 1917 Law of Cabotaje or Jones Act means that only U.S. ships can transport anything to the island. Since 90% or more of the island’s food is imported, when Hurricane María hit, donations and supplies from or via the U.S. only sat in the ports for other unknown bureaucratic problems. Trump still has not lifted the Jones Act, despite many calls to its effect. The U.S. also brought an education army in 1898, and began the work of educating what the U.S. administration viewed as an illiterate people who did not even speak correct Spanish. For example, at the 25th Lake Mohonk Conference for Indian and other Dependent People 3 in 1907, Mrs. Samuel McClune Lindsay, the wife of the 2nd education commissioner said; When we first went down into the island, the first problem was to put a public school system into Porto Rico with the greatest possible speed; to enlist as many of these children as we could in school armies; to import from America the best, most highly trained teachers we could obtain, and to bring up in Porto Rico a generation of native teachers who could eventually take charge of those schools. That was done. And it was very well done. (Lake Mohonk, 1907, p. 165, italics mine) Mrs. Lindsay also spoke about how to adapt and apply “our own system of education” to tropical races. Indeed, the schoolteacher followed the soldier who already had experience with the indigenous Americans (P. Navarro, 2006) of the U.S. “Our own system of education” meant progressive education goals to americanize and teach English (del Moral, 2013; Negrón, 1977), 1 The author lived in Puerto Rico from 2013-2017 2 http://www.un.org/en/decolonization/nonselfgov.shtml 3 These conferences had started a few decades before. The “other dependent people” part would have been added after 1898 when the U.S. acquired Puerto Rico, Guam, Hawaiian islands, Phillipines, and Guam 76 using the same model of cultural and linguistic assimilation practiced with Native Americans (del Moral, 2013; J. Navarro, 2002; P. Navarro, 2006; Torres, 2002; Adams, 1995), whose resources, land and lives were being displaced through the boarding school system. This system physically removed children from families, cultures, and languages, stripping them of these rights and resources. Puerto Ricans have had U.S. citizenship since 1917 4 , so migrations and its effects are a huge topic in Puerto Rican studies, given the political and economic climate (see Duany, 2002). After the 2017 hurricane, the most exact number available a few months later was that in Florida, 10,324 Puerto Rican students had been enrolled in schools (Sesin, 2017). Physical displacement precedes another layer of displacement: cultural and linguistic, because afterwards they must learn English, which for Puerto Ricans has been a complex, even strange, political issue since U.S. colonization began (see Pousada, 1999; L. Torres, 2010). Puerto Ricans are very patriotic and their puertoriqueñidad or Puerto Rican-ness is a source of pride. However, this identity—beginning in the 19th century as a separateness from colonial Spain, then becoming assertiveness vis a vis colonial U.S.—was then in the early 20th century forged into a simplistic and democratic mixture of African, Spanish, and indigenous by the Institute of Puerto Rican culture, without serious scholarship to solve the dilemma of language; and who the jíbaros, the majority of the rural population, represented (see Castanha, 2011; Curet, 2015; Nieves, 2014; Pedreira, 1935; Scarano, 1996); nor how long the indigenous people had survived after 1492. The latter is a huge debate in Caribbean historiography, with many scholars demonstrating survival (see Castanha, 2011; Delgado, 2006; Forte, 2006) in rather large numbers until the middle of the 19th century, and in smaller numbers beyond. Survival is evidenced by language, phenotypes, social and spiritual practices, worldview, oral tradition, song, music. Issues of identity, schooling, and education policies may indeed be interconnected with rebuilding after a hurricane. Education policies are part of governance, within a larger picture that includes self-sufficiency and relations with other countries. These effect migration, outside aid, and humanitarian efforts to stem the death toll after a hurricane. The school system before the hurricanes was considered a failure. In the century of U.S. administration, the school curriculum replaced community knowledge tied to the land, and various displacements such as from home to school culture and language, from rural to urban areas, from local languages to standard Spanish, from Puerto Rico to the U.S., from Spanish to English (in U.S.) have occurred. All of these have effects on identity as well. After describing the study that investigated the role of U.S.-created schools in erasing the rural indigenous knowledge base and identity formation, the discussion will return to the two ideas laid out in this introduction: 1) the role of colonial schools and identity imposition, 2) how community models of local schooling and subsistence would have put Puerto Ricans in a better situation to survive and rebuild from a devastating hurricane after a century of U.S. control, and 3) what lessons the experiences offer policymakers and teacher educators. The next section gives a context of ‘schooling’ by describing Puerto Rico’s earlier rural characteristics. 2. The rural context During the Spanish period the island’s population was 80% rural (del Moral, 2013). The people were often called ‘jíbaro’, described by Melendez (1963) as a mix of various races, who preferred to work and reside in the interior of the island without leaving often: 4 Whereas Puerto Ricans were granted U.S. citizenship in 1917, Native Americans paradoxically got it in 1924 77 The differentiation between the population of the rural zones and the coast of the island is profound and clearly demarked in customs, traditions, methods of harvest and work that polarizes into two social groups that possess their genotype characteristic and particular idiosyncrasies (p. 460). Jíbaro 5 was a loosely-defined term for rural people who had preserved almost “intact, the traditions, habits, and thoughts of his ancestors”, whose traits had to be eliminated in order to modernize and industrialize (Rodríguez, 1943, p. 16). The term jíbaro is debated in literature, and Delgado (personal communication, 2015) maintains that many different types of jíbaros existed, but true jíbaros had certain characteristics. Living in the mountainous interior of Puerto Rico rather than the relatively flat coast with the bigger towns and cities; jíbaros would have lived locally, place-based, earth-centered (including soil, harvests, and water) or in small communities. Before the U.S. invasion, even fewer formal schools existed in the interior than the coast. Their language (see Alvarez, 1990; Navarro, 1948) reflected traditions and survival knowledge that existed until the U.S. period. The U.S. education army appointed generals as commissioners of education, declared English and then Spanish as the national language and language of instruction, built eventually 1500 schools with U.S. curriculum (see Lopez Yustos, 1997; Osuña, 1949), contributing to make the “modern man (who) must learn how to find meaning in many structures to which he is only marginally related” (Illich, 1971, pdf p. 15). 3. Conceptual I used the indigenous conceptual framework using the indigenous survival knowledge linked to jíbaros of four centuries in the interior. I wanted to find important qualitative analytical tools to “assess how knowledge production and theories of the past and the present have been shaped by ideas and power relations of imperialism, colonialism, post-colonialism…and racism” (Chilisa, 2012, p. 46); as well as how the ways of the dominant civilization (epistemology, ontology, axiology) become embedded as “natural” rather than historically evolved social constructions (Chilisa, 2012); so strong that whole peoples’ knowledge bases and identities change. The indigenous conceptual framework includes non-western ways of knowing and being, considers life as a whole rather than many parts, and does not reduce education to school and official knowledge. These principles and processes are epistemological—how to know and learn, to transmit knowledge, ie ‘education’ (songs, stories, petroglyphs, books, memory). The focus is on the relation between parts and the whole in terms of unity or non-separation of parts (for example, language, culture, education, earth, air; subsistence). It is also adaptive and dynamic rather than rule-governed—thus processes and dialogues. Finally, it is place-based: communities where people have roles. Multiple realities between living things, relations and processes co-exist. All of these have importance for identity, belonging, and survival of communities. Studies that have used Indigenous methodology come from many disciplines, and challenge deficit thinking and pathological descriptions of the formerly colonized, to reconstruct a body of knowledge that carries hope and promotes transformation and social change among the historically oppressed (Chilisa, 2012; Smith, 1999). The research process itself is socialjustice oriented because it seeks to decolonize methodologies and epistemologies that have affected Indigenous people and knowledge about them. It addresses a gap in research methodology because dominant research traditions are founded in Euro-western thought and academic institutions; excluding the knowledge system of the researched, colonized Other. Since the majority of Puerto Ricans were rural at the time of the U.S. invasion, in conceptual terms, they were also place-based, and their lives and language were tied to the land. If factors such as local history and geography caused Caribbean communities to develop differently 5 One of the earliest descriptions of the jíbaro is by Alonso (1849) El Gíbaro: cuadro de costumbres de la isla de Puerto Rico 78 according to island or place (Mintz, 2010); this geographical variance is consistent with the indigenous conceptual framework described in this section and an interconnection between people, land, history, knowledge and language (Maffi, 2001). Displacement extends the indigenous approach to school issues. I use it as an umbrella concept that covers physical, cultural, and linguistic factors. Displacement, whether from one nation to another or from one region of a country to another, is often caused by violence, wars, natural disasters, and extreme economic hardships. Layers and relations among the various aspects of displacement before and after migration relate to individual, family, cultural, environmental-structural, and historical factors (i.e., roots, heritage, and displacement events) (Coughlan & Owens-Manley; 2006). Displaced persons must adjust their language and customs. A continuum begins where physical displacement proceeds through a transition to a new life. Individuals adapt differently to the new life and school: some remain attached to home culture, language and memories; others may be more adaptive and assimilate quickly. The different degrees of assimilation vary between generations (Nibbs & Brettell, 2016). Though some try to retain their core beliefs and cultural elements, these may fade according to an individual’s attitudes, strengths, beliefs, and capabilities. Children are especially vulnerable to pressure to assimilate, acculturate and acquire hybrid identities. Thus identity and the physical displacement continuum co-exist dialogically. Identities may also be displaced (Harrison, 2018). Whatever the reasons for massive displacement, schools play a very important role in shaping young people’s experiences and identity through education policies, teaching practices, content knowledge taught and learned, and language of instruction. These two concepts—indigeneity and displacement, intertwine in the discussion below. 4. Method The research question was: In the construction of knowledge and identity related to the Indigenous presence in Puerto Rico, how does curriculum act as language education policy; and how do teachers act as policymakers—translators and mediators—of the language education policy? The Indigenous principle of interconnectedness and interdependence is intertwined with the study’s methodology, an Interpretive Policy Analysis (Yanow, 2000) that entails ideology, assumptions, and numerous actors and stakeholders at various levels in the policy process. Between the written texts of policies to the curriculum and teaching practices, policies are mediated. Thus it is a complex and challenging way to analyze. The use of the term “policy” is theoretically broadened in this study. Three bodies of language education policy data were analyzed, namely: (1) policies at the federal (U.S.) and Puerto Rico Department of Education (DE) level; (2) curriculum—including standards and textbooks, and (3) interviews with 28 teachers to see how they teach this part of history and identity. As a chain of interpretation each layer of ‘policy’ is an implementational space (Hornberger & Johnson, 2007) or process by different actors along the way between policy to classroom. The use of an Interpretive Policy Analysis (IPA) in this study is grounded in the Indigenous framework that stresses Indigenous principles and seeks to uncover meanings and values. IPA was appropriate since the U.S. has governed the island politically, constantly using policy to govern the daily lives of its “problem populations”: Native Americans, immigrants, and other politically-conquered people like Puerto Rico and Guam (Adams, 2014). Just as it was with Native Americans in the U.S., after territorial or political conquest, policy entered the realm of culture and the home with the goal of assimilation—erasing traditional practices, language. The result has been a myriad of changing policies. IPA also seemed most appropriate for a nonPuerto Rican and non-indigenous researcher, in order to not undermine anyone’s voice by speaking for people about their school experience, knowledge of indigenous history, and personal identity. 79 Table 1. Summary of data In summary, the research design was a chain of interpretive analysis. The policy framework included how policy shapes school language and culture, and how policies encourage the orientations. It addressed the role of policy and policy language, including curriculum as policy and teachers as policymakers; in other words, three sets of “policies”. The interpretation addressed (the threefold) policy-generated categories, and the consequences of (the threefold) policy language as a perpetual and dynamic process. Beginning with the federal policy, policymakers interpret into the laws by the territory (not state) in the Puerto Rico Department of Education (DE), writers interpret these into the curriculum, which teachers interpret and enact in the classroom. 5. Results: policies, curriculum, teacher interviews The “LEP” governance of the previous section means the Language Education Policy(ies) govern the question at hand, and show how the policies reach the classroom. Puerto Rico has 7 educative regions each with 4 school districts; each district has from 2-5 towns (larger ones are divided); with a total of 1499 schools, before schools started closing in the last decade 6 and more after the hurricane. The “local” interpretations of the policy are in two steps: first, the Puerto Rico curriculum and standards as interpretation of the U.S. and Puerto Rican policy (including ideology), and second the teachers’ interpretations. The first sub-question was: How can language education policy be conceptualized as a current and historical interpretive frame for Indigeneity in Puerto Rico? I analyzed both federal and Puerto Rican language and education laws. The U.S. federal laws include: No Child Left Behind (NCLB): 2000; Plan de Flexibilidad 2014 (Flexibility Plan for the ESEA of 1965). The local policies included: Ley #149 (1999)- Ley Orgánica para el Departamento de Educación Pública de Puerto Rico; two Cartas Circulares: Español: #10 (2013-2014) and Social Studies #3 (2013-2014); and the 1993 Spanish language policy. Federal testing mandates the testing of Math, Science, and language, but in Spanish. The Ley #149 (1999)- Ley Orgánica para el Departamento de Educación Pública establishes the rights and obligations of educators and students. It has a few relevant parts, such as community or local orientation: 6 A report and plan by economists (Boston Consulting Group) in 2015 was for up to 580 schools to possibly be closed by 2020. In 2014, one day people were protesting in front of the Secretary of Education’s office, claiming that even “Escuelas de Excelencia” were being closed. Besides the alleged migration of people off the island and especially in rural areas where the distances are greater, and economics, the federal testing requirements cause schools to close. See for example http://www.telemundo52.com/noticias/puerto-rico/Sugieren-cerrar-mas-de-500-escuelas-DepartamentoEducacion-Puerto-Rico-Boston-Consulting-Group-282946581.html. Language Education Policies U.S. and Puerto Rico: For example, federal (No Child Left Behind) and Puerto Rican (Organic Law, Circular Letters) Curriculum, including standards and brief curriculum history 1. Previously used textbooks 2. Current standards and objectives related to research question 3. Textbooks—in use now Teacher Interview Data 4th and 7th grade Spanish and Social Studies Teachers 80 The school should promote activities that enrich the life of the community, help to understand its problems and offer solutions; identify situations and/or necessities of the community that affect the school “p. 6). (also in 2.04c). The community is a “dynamic entity” (p. 7) Nevertheless, the curriculum is standardized rather than local. Despite that Social Studies is not tested, “The Secretary will reorient the curriculum of all public schools in the course of history of Puerto Rico, including the teaching of the history of the municipality where each public school is located. (aa. 28) 7 ”. While teaching history is becoming contested and is not tested, and does not bring federal money, this local interpretation mandates teaching local history, something none of the teachers interviewed reported. Art. 3.03 is about the pertinence of the studies “The programs will be adjusted to the necessities and experiences of the students” (p. 16). “They should be pertinent to the social, cultural and geographic reality of the students” (a., p. 16). History in 1.02 C#1 is “to develop a dynamic notion of historic time and geographic space in which they live” (p. 5). Identity is mentioned in Article 1.02: a. education for everyone “for the full development of his/her personality” (p. 5), and in c. #8: “To develop a positive and healthy consciousness of his/her identity in multiple aspects of his/her personality and to develop attitudes of respect toward his peers (semejantes)” (p. 6). Therefore, in policy the teaching of local aspects related to identity is established, which would require knowledge of local history. However, the indigenous history, identity, and people (past or present) in Puerto Rico are not recognized or mentioned in policy, and I found very little related to the research question of indigenous identity. What governs teaching more than the policies however may be the curriculum, both textbooks and standards: Sub-question #2: How is and how has curriculum acted as policy in the construction of Indigeneity in Puerto Rico’s Department of Public Instruction/Education curriculum, and what are the implications for identity formation? After analyzing the policies as an interpretive frame, this part of the study focused on the curriculum. I first analyzed the content standards, grade expectations and curricular maps— including teacher responses—for Spanish and Social Studies to demonstrate how they act as policy. I chose 4th and 7th grade Social Studies and Spanish curriculum, materials, and teachers; and policy that would affect the teaching of indigenous identity; because Puerto Rican history is taught in 4th, 7th, and 10th grades. In 7th grade, students begin to read Puerto Rican literature whereas the stories they could read in 4th grade are literature as well, but are more elementary “stories” or “reading comprehension”. I added Spanish for both grades because of the language and literature aspect. Using the current standards, teachers could address processes of culture, identity, history and society. The teachers only named cultural identity (Standard 4), and sometimes “people, places, and the environment” (Standards 1). Teachers furthermore reported that culture and history is not given any importance by the Department of Education (or ‘government’). Many said that the standards are a burden, especially because they have to align the standards with the content or resources/materials they find themselves and without curricular maps. The Spanish is not “supposed” to include the Indigenous history, since disciplinary thinking means the subject belongs to the latter. The Spanish standards are skills, and a little different because they also have curricular maps. The teachers reported the same as the Social Studies, but perhaps a bit more frustration with the requirements in the curricular maps. They also have to align the content with the maps. Some of the teachers reported that they did not teach the Indigenous element at all, while others said it was an integral part of their responsibility to teach the culture and identity (even history as it appears in literature). 7 El Secretario reorientará el currículo de todas las escuelas públicas para en el curso de historia de Puerto Rico, incluir la enseñanza de la historia del municipio donde está localizada cada escuela pública. 81 The Social Studies standards are concepts meant to create the global and capable citizen. The first four standards are pertinent for the Indigenous element—change and continuity, people, places, and environment; personal development; and cultural identity. The Spanish standards relate to language use with transversal themes—I wanted to focus on the literary aspect, even though the ‘logical’ direction for my study would have been Social Studies only. This decision I based on how/what literature affords to teaching culture and identity and language. I asked if standards contribute or complicate the teaching of the indigenous theme. Most teachers reported teaching the standards more than the content, and that planning toward the standards was their main task. Furthermore, one teacher said standards “make it easier, (but) depend on the importance that the teacher gives to it….there is no way to prove that the teachers master the culture theme/subject; that it empassions them…if they are in love with their culture, there is no requirement for that; if teachers are not passionate and love their culture; one can’t lift up/build a school (Interview #8, Spanish, 4th-6th grade”. Next, I looked at the teaching materials. The Social Studies and Spanish textbooks as a source of knowledge for teachers to draw on, and as reflections of the “official” ideology, were also considered policy because it is the material teachers have. I analyzed the Department of Education textbooks that the teachers reported using, including stories and poems. After each grade and subject, I put the methods that the teachers reported using. Spanish teachers mostly relegated the topic to Social Studies, except for a few, such as one who said “the theme is there but must be worked (plow the field) she takes her time, so they internalize their roots. The theme costs her work in Spanish”. (Interview #12, Cerrote, Las Marias; Social Studies, 4th – 6th grade, & Spanish) What are the roots, in other words the base of identity? The 7th grade Spanish textbook is clear, and reflects national policy: One of the greatest legacies that, as a consequence of the colonization, we receive from the Spanish culture. For this reason, here Spanish is spoken. Despite the disappearance of the Taino (indigenous) language and the African languages, our Spanish maintains countless semantic elements proceeding from these cultures (Guzmán, 2000, p. 138, italics mine). About oral tradition, traditional and indigenous knowledge, two responses from teachers were that; Before (there was a lot of) song and poem, fables, stories, tales of grandparents; the parents of the kids used to tell stories; now they use the book and google; webpages educational like Wikipedia (Interview #7, Social Studies, 4th & 7th grade) The practices have disappeared; the language (non-Spanish) is the most that they have, the dress and objects they have found in excavations; instruments; (Interview #20, Social Studies & Spanish, 4th grade) In terms of identity displacement, textbooks in school teach who they are: - Mix of Borinquen indian, - White race, airs of Spain, - Rhythm of blacks in the blood and the dreams - Puerto Rican, sweet like the sugar cane (Guzmán, 2000, p. 137) 8 Both subjects—Social Studies and Spanish—present the indigenous people very superficially and stereotypically. The Spanish texts that could be used are stories, usually with the same image. The images of Indians as primitive, and the ideologies of U.S. schooling were and are strong tools in the elimination of the Indigenous element as a lived and living experience. Looking at older textbooks, some textbooks let the Indigenous people hide in the mountains, while others got rid of them in less than a paragraph. Eventually the image is one of 8 Mezcla de indio borinqueño, raza de blancos, aires de España, ritmo de negro en la sangre y los sueños. Puertorriqueña, melosa como la caña