Abstract The main aim of this paper is to provide a syntactic account, within the framework of grammaticalization, of the loss of the two space locative pronominal adverbs ende and ´y in Old Spanish. Firstly, we present the evolution of Old Spanish space deictic adverbs, to which ende and ´y belong, in order to study the changes undergone during this historic period. Secondly, we analyse the syntactic behaviour of these deictic adverbs in an Old Spanish corpus, where one can observe that there is little difference among the adverbs of the same group, and that there is a progressive grammaticalization of ende and ´y, that ended up being distinct from the rest of deictic adverbs. Finally, we analyse the reasons for the loss of ende and ´y from a phonetic and lexical, as well as syntactic, point of view, so as to show the most used grammatical meanings of these adverbs and the conditions which help their appearance. Key words: diachrony, syntax, grammaticalization, deixis, locative adverbs. Resum. L’evolució dels adverbis medievals ende i´y: un cas de gramaticalització? L’objectiu d’aquest treball és donar una explicació sintàctica, des del marc teòric de la gramaticalització, a la pèrdua dels adverbis pronominals locatius d’espai de l’espanyol medieval ende i ´y. Primerament, es presenta l’evolució dels adverbis deíctics d’espai medievals, als quals pertanyen ende i ´y, per estudiar els canvis que van sofrir durant aquesta etapa històrica. En segon lloc, s’estudia el comportament sintàctic d’aquests deíctics en un corpus literari medieval, on es pot comprovar la poca diferenciació que existia entre els adverbis d’un mateix grup, així com la progressiva gramaticalització que ende i ´y van sofrir per diferenciar-se de la resta de deíctics. Finalment, s’analitzen les causes de la seva pèrdua tant a partir de criteris fonètics i lèxics com sintàctics, i d’aquesta manera es mostren els valors gramaticals més utilitzats per aquests adverbis, així com les condicions que afavoreixen o no la seva aparició. Paraules clau: diacronia, sintaxi, gramaticalització, deixi, adverbis locatius. * I have benefited from various grants awarded by the DGICYT, the DGES and the CIRIT (research projects PB98-0884 -MEC-, BFF2000-0403-C02-01 -MCTand 1999SGR 00114 -Generalitat de Catalunyarespectively). I am grateful for Lidia’s help in this paper. CatWPL 9, 2001 101-118 The Evolutions of The Old Spanish Adverbs ende and ´y: A Case of Grammaticalization* Carlos Sánchez Lancis Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona Departament de Filologia Espanyola. Seminari de Filologia i Informática 08193 Bellaterra (Barcelona). Spain
[email protected] Received: May 1st 2001 Accepted: October 1st 2001 CatWPL 9 001-145 24/1/2002 09:48 Página 101
1. Introduction: the origin and the survival of ende and ´y The main purpose of this paper is to explore the relation between the two medieval locative adverbs ende ‘from there’ e ´y ‘there’ and their evolution, in order to discover the reasons why both of them disappeared at the end of Old Spanish. As we shall see, they disappeared because of a double process of grammaticalization. As for the origin of these two space locative pronominal adverbs, according to Corominas and Pascual (1980-1991:s.v. ende), the adverb ende comes from the Latin deictic adverb ĭnde ‘from there’, ‘from it’, which expressed origin of movement; on the other hand, the adverb ´y has two possible different origins: from the Latin adverb ĭbĭ‘there, on it’ > i(according to Hanssen (1913/1945:§624), Menéndez Pidal (1940:§128,1) and García de Diego (1970:254), among others) or from the Latin adverb hĭc‘here’ (as Meyer-Lübke (1890-1906:§720) suggests).1Putting aside the origin of both adverbs, the most important fact is that the Latin pronominal adverb system, at least in relation to these two elements, was inherited, among other languages, by Old Spanish. Both deictic adverbs appeared almost at the beginning of the language (ende in the Cid and ´y in a document in 1074). As for its survival, Corominas and Pascual (1980-1991:s.v. ende and y) show that the adverb ende tended to disappear by the 15th century and survives only in Asturian (with a locative sense) and the Aragonese dialects (where it is used similarly to its Catalan equivalent). The loss of this adverb in both Spanish and Portuguese occurs almost at the same time as that of the locative adverb ´y (in fact, the latter happened before). Therefore, it is understandable that neither locative adverb, ende or ´y, appears in the list of individual adverbs and adverbial phrases, found in the 16th century prose by Keniston (1937:§§39.6.-39.96.), with the only apparent exception of ende, which survives in Spanish as a linking word preceded by the preposition por (por ende <proinde Latin ‘therefore’).2 Both adverbs are included in the class of space locative pronominal adverbs in Old Spanish. This grammatical class was formed by different deictic adverbs, inter102 CatWPL 9, 2001 Carlos Sánchez Lancis 1. Corominas and Pascual (1980-1991:s.v. y) give an neutral solution, since they combine both theories. According to them, the locative adverb ´y in Old Spanish and in the Aragonese dialect, French y, Occitan iand Catalan hi (these are the only Romance languages which have this pronominal adverb) mistook both words, ĭbĭand hıc, for only one. 2 . The expression por ende is included by Keniston (1937:§42.26) within the coordinated conjunctions with illative sense, whose function is «to connect two coordinated sentences and to indicate that the proposition expressed by the second sentence is the result of the first proposition.» Table of Contents 1. Introduction: the origin and the survival of ende and ´y 2. Evolution of ende and in ´y Old Spanish 3. The loss of Old Spanish adverbs ende and ´y 4. Conclusion Medieval texts References CatWPL 9 001-145 24/1/2002 09:48 Página 102
related among them, which evolved during thoughout Old Spanish.3Their first grammatical relationship appears in Table 1. During the 12th and the 13thcenturies, the space locative pronominal adverbs contrasted in only one feature, which distinguished «place near the speaker» (aquí, acá) from «place distant from the speaker» (allí, ´y, ende, allá). Furthermore, in every group, they contrasted in reference to a static point (aquí, allí, ´y) or to a movement, in order to denote the origin (ende) or the goal (acá, allá) of the verbal action. All could express «pure» deictic or anaphoric relations, since the adverbs referred to a place outside or inside the speech. The only adverbs which distinguished deictic from anaphoric functions lexically, were, in theory, allí and ´y respectively, although in the texts, as we will see later on, a distinction of meaning cannot be seen so clearly. However, during the 14th century, the number of space locative pronominal adverbs undergoes a change, charted in Table 2. The relationship among the different adverbs described in Table 1 remains in the 14th century, but we can observe the grammaticalization or the appearance of two new adverbial elements (ahí, acullá) which support the two existing adverbs phonetically and semantically (´y and allá respectively). In contrast, in the 15th century this system of space deictic adverbs underwent an important transformation, as we can see in Table 3. Firstly, the opposition among the different space locative pronominal adverbs stopped being a two-member relation (proximity / distance) and turned into a three-member relation (proximity to speaker / proximity to listener / non proxThe Evolution of The Old Spanish Adverbs ende and ´y CatWPL 9, 2001 103 3. For a study of space and time adverbs in Old Spanish, see Sánchez Lancis (1992). For studies on Modern Spanish, see, apart from the Spanish grammars, the study by Carbonero Cano (1979) and the one by Kovacci (1999). Table 1. Old Spanish I (12th and 13th centuries). Proximity to speaker Non proximity to speaker Non Movement Movement Non Movement Movement aquí acá allí ‘there’ ende allá ‘here’ ‘to here’ ? ‘there’ ‘from there’ ‘to there’ Table 2. Old Spanish II (14th century). Proximity to speaker Non proximity to speaker Non Movement Movement Non Movement Movement aquí acá allí ‘there’ ende allá ‘to there’ ‘here’ ‘to here’ ? ‘there’ ‘from there’ acullá‘to there’ ahí ‘there’ CatWPL 9 001-145 24/1/2002 09:48 Página 103
imity to speaker and listener or distance). This is due to reanalysis, in other words, it is not a change in the number of the grammatical elements, but in the grammatical meaning, which the adverb ahí has. It was a support to the ´y and began to express proximity to the listener by itself.4Secondly, during all this century, the definitive degrammaticalization5of ´y as a locative adverb takes place.6Finally, in the process from Old Spanish to the Classic and Modern Spanish, the last changes with this class of adverbs take place, as you can see in the table 4. From the 16th century we inherit the current space adverbial system, because the adverb ende is degrammaticalized as a space locative pronominal adverb (the only element which showed the origin within the space adverbial system), although it survives as a linking word.7Thus, the expression of movement with the meaning of 104 CatWPL 9, 2001 Carlos Sánchez Lancis 4. Nebrija (1492:3,16) confirms the existence of a system of three-member oppositions among the place adverbs in the 15th century, since the grammatical meaning of aquí/aí/allí is distinguished clearly. 5. For the concepts of grammaticalization, degrammaticalization, regrammaticalization and reanalysis, see Hock (1986), Ridruejo (1989), and Hopper and Traugott (1993). 6. For a study of the survival of the adverb ´y in the impersonal form hay ‘there is’ (ha+´y) of the verb haber ‘have’, which acquires existential meaning, see García (1986) and Lloyd (1993:568-569); for a study of the amalgamation of the adverb ´y with the medieval forms do, so vo, estó, see Alvar and Pottier (1983:§145.1.), Urrutia Cárdenas and Álvarez Álvarez (1988:234-238), Schmidely (1988:611-619) and Lloyd (1993:565-570). 7. The Real Academia Española (1992:s.v. ende) analyses por ende an adverbial phrase as por tanto, and Martín Zorraquino and Portolés Lázaro (1999::§63.3.3.6) take it to be a linking word used nowadays in elegant language. For a description of the classifications and the opinions given by different Spanish grammars and dictionaries about the survival of ende and ´y in Classical and Modern Spanish, see Sánchez Lancis (2001). Table 3. Old Spanish III (15th century). Proximity to speaker Proximity to listener Non proximity to speaker and listener Non Non Movement / Non Movement Movement Movement Movement Movement aquí acá allí allí ende allá ‘to there’ ‘here’ ‘to here’ ‘there’ ‘there’ ‘from there’ acullá‘to there’ Table 4. Old Spanish III (16th-21th centuries). Proximity to speaker Proximity to listener Non proximity to speaker and listener Non Non Movement / Movement Movement Movement Non Movement Movement aquí acá allí allí allá ‘to there’ ‘here’ ‘to here’ ‘there’ ‘there’ acullá‘to there’ CatWPL 9 001-145 24/1/2002 09:48 Página 104
distance is only indicated by the adverb allá together with its supported variant acullá. The use of the latter will be being reduced during the following centuries up to the present, where acullá is practically not used, despite being included in the dictionaries.8 2. Evolution of ende and ´y in Old Spanish From now, we are going to study the reasons why the space locative pronominal adverbs ende and ´y disappeared at the end of Old Spanish. In order to do this study, we will analyse not only the behaviour of these two adverbs, but also that of allí and ahí (deictic adverbs with which ende and ´y had a clear grammatical relationship during the Old Spanish period), in a literary corpus of Old Spanish consisting of seven representative texts of different centuries (Cid (12th), Milagros (13th), General Estoria (13th), Lucanor (14th), Buen Amor (14th), Corbacho (15th) and Celestina (15th)). 2.1. Ende In the analysed texts, the adverb ende (with the apocopated graphic variants end, ent and en, or supported by the prepositions de (dende, dend, den, dent, dente) and des (desende, desend, desent)) appears in 508 occurrences, from which 242 correspond to its independent use and 266 to its use as an adverbial phrase in por ende. Its distribution by texts and centuries is as in Table 5 (on the left, the meaning as an adverb and on the right the meaning as an adverbial phrase). From the quantitative analysis based on the data, we can observe the progressive increase of the adverbial phrase during all these centuries until it is widespread in the 15th century in Corbacho; at the same time its use as a simple adverb undergoes a progressive decline because of its degrammaticalization as an adverb and its grammaticalization as a linking word. At the end of 15th century, in Celestina, the use of ende as an adverb and an adverbial phrase seemed to be balanced, but this fact only confirms, because of the poor number of examples, the almost total loss of ende as an adverb during the whole 15th century and the evolution of the adverbial phrase to the non oral register (remember that Celestina is a play). The Evolution of The Old Spanish Adverbs ende and ´y CatWPL 9, 2001 105 8. For Seco, Andrés and Ramos (1999:s.v. acullá) this adverb is only used in literary language. Table 5. 12th 13th 14th 15th Cid Milagros Gral. Est. Lucanor Buen Amor Corbacho Celestina 19 3 36 3 48 19 105 54 24 41 4 138 6 8 86,4% 13,6% 92,3% 7,7% 71,7% 28,3% 66% 34% 36,9% 63,1% 2,8% 97,2% 42,8% 57,2% CatWPL 9 001-145 24/1/2002 09:48 Página 105
On the other hand, the adverb ende could have different meanings in Old Spanish,9as we see in the following examples: (1) a. E en Medina todo el recabdo está; /(…)/ Bien salieron and in Medina all the precaution is well went-out den çiento que non pareçen mal, from-there hundred that not seem bad ‘And all the precaution is in Medina;… At least one hundred armed people went out from there.’ [Cid:vv.1493;1507] b. Si ante fora bono, fo desende mejor; if before (he)-be-PastSubj.3sg. good (he)-was from-there better ‘If he was a good person before, he was better after that.’ [Milagros:v.493a] c. E non dixo Jacob mas de Zabulon nin esponen ende mas and not said Jacob more of Zabulon nor expound of-there more los sanctos padres. the saint fathers ‘And neither did Jacob say anything more about Zabulon nor did the saint fathers expound more about it.’ [General Estoria:251] d. si poco ende trabajé, muy poco ende saqué. if little of-there (I)-worked, very little of-there (I)-got ‘If I worked little on it, I got very little from it.’ [Buen Amor:v.1319d] e. SEM.- (…). Calisto es cavallero, Melibea fijadalgo: (…). Por SEM. Calisto is knight, Melibea noblewoman for ende no es de maravillar que ame antes a ésta there not is of amaze that I-love-PresSubj. before to this que a otra. that to another ‘SEM.- (…). Calisto is a knight, Melibea a noblewoman: (…). Therefore it is no wonder that I rather love her than another woman.’ [Celestina:145] In (1a) we find the etymological deictic meaning of dende ‘from there’, which expresses the origin of the movement with the support of the preposition de. In (1b) this adverb, preceded by the prefix des-, has the time meaning of ‘later’ because of the connection between space and time deixis.10 In (1c, d) the adverb changes its deictic 106 CatWPL 9, 2001 Carlos Sánchez Lancis 9. For a study of the meanings and functions of the locative adverbs ende,´y, allí and ahí, see Cuervo (1994). 10. For a complete study about the relation between the space deictic and the temporal deictic systems in Old Spanish, see Sánchez Lancis (1992:chapter 4). CatWPL 9 001-145 24/1/2002 09:48 Página 106
function to the anaphoric one when the adverb refers to a part of the speech, and gets the demonstrative meaning of ‘from it’, since it does not refer to a specific place (except for saqué ‘I got’, verbs do not express movement). Finally, in (1e) we find ende within the adverbial phrase por ende as a linking word with the meaning ‘therefore’, since, in its linking function, it has moved to the initial position in the sentence. 2.2. Y ´ We find the adverb ´y (with the graphic variants hi, hy, i, y) in 589 examples, from which 304 correspond to an independent word in contrast to 285 in which the adverb is graphically attached to the verb haber ‘have’ in order to make an impersonal sentence. These data, based on the aforementioned texts, can be distributed in the following way (firstly the independent meaning and secondly the impersonal meaning appear) (Table 6). According to the data from Table 6, the progressive reduction of the use of ´y as an independent adverb occurred at the same time as the continuous increase of its use as an impersonal support of the verb haber from the 14th century (cf. the data from Lucanor and Buen Amor). In contrast to ende, which survives as an adverb until the end of the 15th century, the locative ´y is degrammaticalized or disappears almost completely from the beginning of this century (we only have a dubious case in Celestina), and it survives amalgamated to the verb haber in order to express a pure existential meaning, as a result of a slow process of grammaticalization. The different semantic meanings of the adverb ´y in Old Spanish appear in these examples: (2) a. »oy en este pinar de Tévar por tollerme la today in this pine-forest of Tévar for take-up-to-me the ganançia.»/(…)/ hi gañó a Colada que más vale profit there (he)-won to Colada that more is-worth de mill marcos. Ivenció esta batalla por o of thousand marks there he-won this battle for where ondró su barba, (he)-honoured his beard ‘today in this pine forest of Tévar, in order to take me up the profit, there he won the Colada which is worth more than thousand marks. There he won this battle, so he honoured himself’ [Cid:vv.999;1010-1] The Evolution of The Old Spanish Adverbs ende and ´y CatWPL 9, 2001 107 Table 6. 12th 13th 14th 15th Cid Milagros Gral. Est. Lucanor Buen Amor Corbacho Celestina 70 3 24 0 97 9 76 13 36 42 0 118 1 100 95,9% 4,1% 100% 0% 91,5% 8,5% 85,4%14,6% 46,2% 53,8% 0% 100% 1% 99% CatWPL 9 001-145 24/1/2002 09:48 Página 107
b. Luego qe esti nome de la sancta Reína / udieron los dïablos after that this name of the saint Queen heard the devils cogieron·s d’y aína; they-left-refl.pron. from-there immediately ‘After the devils heard the name of the saint Queen, they left from there immediately;’ [Milagros:vv.278a-b] c. et començo a andar muy sesuda mientre en ello e and he-started to walk-Inf. very wise-ly on it and dar ymuy buen recabdo (…). give-Inf. there very good precaution ‘and he started to be engaged in it very wisely and to take the precaution of it’ [General Estoria:243] d. Mandó los colgar altos, bien como atalaya, e que (He)-ordered them hang-Inf. high well like watchtower and that a descolgallos ninguno ynon vaya; to take-down-Inf.-them nobody there not go-PresSubj. ‘He ordered to hang them high, like a watchtower, and forbode anybody to go there to take them down;’ [Buen Amor:vv.1126a-b] e. Entrando Calisto [en] una huerta empós de un falcón suyo, coming-in Calisto [in] a garden behind of a hawk of-his falló ya Melibea, he-found there to Melibea, ‘Once Calisto came [in] a garden following his falcon, he found there Melibea,’ [Celestina:19] Firstly, in the previous examples, ´y behaves as a stressed locative adverb,11 since, otherwise, its appearance in the first position in the sentence would violate the Tobler-Mussafia Law (cfr. 2a).12 Thus, in (2a, e) ´y expresses a place mentioned in the preceding speech, in (2b) the origin of a movement, with the support of the preposition de, and in (2d) the goal of a movement, but in this case without the support of the preposition a. The example (2b) is very odd, since here we would expect to find the adverb ende in order to express origin; therefore, it could be a mistake in the text, because it is the only example of the preposition de followed by ´y in all the corpus. The same happens in (2e), which also is the only case in the 108 CatWPL 9, 2001 Carlos Sánchez Lancis 11. However, Fernández Soriano and Táboas Baylín (1999:§§27.3.4. y 27.3.7.) take ´y to be a locative clitic of the old language. 12. For an accurate description of the Tobler-Mussafia Law and its relation to the position of the unstressed pronouns of Old Spanish, see Ramsden (1963) and Batllori; Sánchez; Suñer (1995). CatWPL 9 001-145 24/1/2002 09:48 Página 108
15th century and furthermore is an example which appears out of dialogue. Finally, in (2c), as a deictic element, ´y gets the demonstrative meaning of ‘to it, on it’, since it does not refer to a place but to a part of the discourse. 2.3. Allí The locative adverb allí (with the graphic variant ally) is found 342 occurrences in our corpus, distributed in the following way (Table 7). The previous data only shows us the survival of this adverb during all of Old Spanish. This important fact can be compared with the data obtained for the adverbs ende and ´y (cf. Tables 5 and 6). As for the meanings of the adverb allí during this period, they are exemplified in these sentences: (3) a. quando mio Çid gañó a Valençia e entró en la when my Çid defeated to Valencia and (he)-entered in the cibdad. / (…) / Todos eran ricos quantos que allí ha. city all were rich how-many that there have-Pres3sg. ‘When my Cid defeated Valencia and came in to the city. (…) All those who were there were rich.’ [Cid:vv.1212;1215] b. E Jacob, quando llego alli e uio a Josep su and Jacob when (he)-arrived there and (he)-saw to Josep his fijo tan grand, (…). son so old ‘And Jacob, when he arrived there and noticed that his son Josep was so old,’ [General Estoria:239] c. (…) la buena dueña et sus parientes ovieron con él [tan] the good lady and her relatives had with him [so] grand plazer, que ally començaron a reyr. great pleasure, that there (they)-started to laugh ‘the good lady and her relatives had [so] great time with him, that afterwards they started to laugh.’ [Lucanor:233] The Evolution of The Old Spanish Adverbs ende and ´y CatWPL 9, 2001 109 Table 7. 12th 13th 14th 15th Cid Milagros Gral. Est. Lucanor Buen Amor Corbacho Celestina 23 10 152 23 45 54 35 CatWPL 9 001-145 24/1/2002 09:48 Página 109
case of reference to a place. This fact proves that ´y has the general meaning of reference to a place in contrast with the deictic meaning of allí. Secondly, the relation between ende and allí has a different behaviour, since the degree of skewing is higher than 1 in most cases until the 14th century. Furthermore it is interesting to observe the high degree of skewing in the case of reference to place and to movement mainly in the 14th century, which demonstrates the semantic and functional change which ende underwent, in contrast to ´y 4. Conclusion The loss of Old Spanish adverbs ende and ´y can be explained not only from a phonetic and lexical-semantic point of view, but also from the grammatical point of view, as we have demonstrated. The syntactic evolution of the two adverbs triggers a process of grammaticalization when these adverbs are out of the grammatical context of deixis. On the one hand, adverb ende survived as a linking word when it lost the locative reference; on the other hand, adverb ´y morphologized, and disappeared as an independent lexical adverb when it began to express «pure» reference to a place. Both cases of grammaticalization (from syntax to morphology and to pragmatics) were due to functional pressure exerted by the rest of the space locative pronominal adverbs of the same class and with the same function and meaning, ahí and allí. Medieval texts Buen Amor = Ruiz, J. (Arcipreste de Hita) (1330 and 1343). Libro de Buen Amor. Gybbon-Monypenny, G. B. (ed.) (1988). Clásicos Castalia, 161. Madrid: Castalia. Celestina = Rojas, F. de (B.1499). La Celestina. López Morales, H. (ed.) (1980). Barcelona: Planeta. Cid = Anónimo (T.1140). Cantar de Mio Cid. Menéndez Pidal, R. (ed.) (1946). Obras Completas de R. Menéndez Pidal, Volume V/III: Texto del Cantar y adiciones. Madrid: Espasa-Calpe. Corbacho = Martínez de Toledo, A. (1438). Arcipreste de Talavera o Corbacho. González Muela, J. (ed.) (1981). Clásicos Castalia, 24. Madrid: Castalia. General Estoria = Alfonso X el Sabio (T.1272). General Estoria. Solalinde, A. G. (ed.) (1930). Madrid: Centro de Estudios Históricos:237-263 and 323-354. Lucanor = Manuel, J. (1335). El conde Lucanor. Blecua, J. M. (ed.) (1979). Clásicos Castalia, 9. Madrid: Castalia. Milagros = Berceo, G. de (1244-1255). Los Milagros de Nuestra Señora. Dutton, B. (ed.) (1971). Obras Completas, II. London: Tamesis Books. References Alvar, M.; Pottier, B. (1983). Morfología histórica del español. Madrid: Gredos. Badía Margarit, A. (1947). Los complementos pronominalo-adverbiales derivados de «ibi» e «inde» en la Península Ibérica. Madrid: Anejo XXXVIII de la Revista de Filología Española. 116 CatWPL 9, 2001 Carlos Sánchez Lancis CatWPL 9 001-145 24/1/2002 09:48 Página 116
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