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Accepted manuscript, does not include final corrections of Editorial Team. This article has been peer-
reviewed, accepted and published in:
Galuszka, J. (2017). Examining patterns of policy change in a post-socialist city: the evolution of inner-
city regeneration approaches in Łódź, Poland, after 1989. Town Planning Review, 88(6), 639–664.
https://doi.org/10.3828/tpr.2017.39
Jakub Galuszka
Examining patterns of policy change in a
post-socialist city: the evolution of inner-
city regeneration approaches in Łódź,
Poland, after 1989
Accepted manuscript (Postprint)Journal article |
+BLVC(BMVTLBJT3FTFBSDIFSBUUIF5FDIOJTDIF6OJWFSTJUÇU#FSMJOo)BCJUBU6OJU4USBTTFEFTõû+VOJõùö#FSMJOõôúö÷
(FSNBOZFNBJMKBLVCHBMVT[LB!UVCFSMJOEF
The article analyses the process of transformation of inner-city regeneration strategies in the central
Eastern European (CEE) city of Łódź in Poland. During the period of structural adjustment that commenced
with the fall of socialist regime in 1989, the city experienced multiple problems linked to the closure of
the textile industry, depopulation and a number of social issues. In their search for a new strategic devel-
opment model, the local authorities experimented with multiple inner-city regeneration approaches. By
reviewing key strategic documents in the city, this paper analyses the gradual change in the objectives
and pressure points in inner-city regeneration. The analysis is complemented by the presentation of three
case studies illustrating how the approaches identified within these strategies (culture-led development,
mega-project, socially focused revitalisation) were implemented.
Keywords: inner-city regeneration, mega-project, post-socialist city, culture-led development, central
Eastern Europe, revitalisation, Łódź, Poland
Introduction
Facing new economic and political realities in the early 1990s, the countries of the post-
Soviet bloc went through a rough period of structural adjustment, which left its mark
on cities and their inner-city neighbourhoods. The new economic realm created both
an opportunity and an aspiration for the redevelopment of urban areas. Although it is
RVFTUJPOBCMFXIFUIFSUIFEFWFMPQNFOUQSPDFTTGPMMPXFEUIFTBNFQBUUFSOJOEJďFSFOU
cities in Central Eastern Europe (CEE), a few key common issues may be identified
across the region. Much attention has been given to changing socio-economic and
spatial characteristics of the local cities, including shrinkage, ghettoisation, gentrifica-
tion and suburbanisation processes (see Kok and Kovács, 1999; Sýkora, 1999; Kovács,
õýýü)JSU öôõ÷#SBEF FUBM öôôý.BSDJńD[BLFUBMöôõö4JNJMBSMZBUUFOUJPO
has been given to various inner-city regeneration projects and city-level case studies
5FNFMPWÅöôôû,PWÅDTFUBMöôõööôõù
This article broadens the scope of the analysis of urban transformation processes
in CEE by looking primarily at the evolution and relationships between different inner-
city regeneration approaches during the last twenty-five years in Łód1PMBOE<AQ1]
Section 1 of the article provides a theoretical background on inner-city regeneration
QSBDUJDFTJO$&&JOSFDFOUEFDBEFTXIJMFTFDUJPOöQSPWJEFTDPOUFYUVBMJOGPSNBUJPO
Jakub Galuska
Examining patterns of policy change in a
post-socialist city: the evolution of inner-city
regeneration approaches in Łódź, Poland,
after 1989
1
about Łódz4FDUJPOT÷BOEøJODMVEFBSFWJFXPGUIFNBJOMFHJTMBUJPOBOETUSBUFHJFT
relevant to inner-city regeneration and the presentation of three case studies illus-
trating the implementation of the identified approaches. Finally, conclusions from the
TUVEZBSFEJTDVTTFE<AQö>
1. Inner-city regeneration in Central and Eastern Europe
1.1 Context
Shortly after the political change of the early 1990s the majority of CEE urban areas
experienced similar socio-economic and spatial processes. However, the speed of
transformations and the ability to address these issues varied significantly between
different cities. In particular, some of the multifunctional, diverse cities like Warsaw,
Krakow, Poznań and Gdańsk in Poland developed rapidly (MarcińD[BLFUBMöôõö#Z
UIFFOEPGUIFõýýôTUIFJSQJDUVSFTRVFJOOFSDJUJFTXFSFQBSUJBMMZSFGVSCJTIFEBMUIPVHI
many of the regeneration attempts were limited to pedestrianisation of their central
markets and renovation of the most emblematic heritage. Many of these initiatives
were steered by the private sector, whose extensive involvement in urban regenera-
tion is considered one of the key differences compared with analogous processes in
8FTUFSO&VSPQF5FNFMPWÅöôôý5IFMJCFSBUJPOPGQSFWJPVTMZTUBMMFESFTPVSDFTSFTUJ-
tution processes and the privatisation of the housing stock coincided with an influx
PGHMPCBMDBQJUBM"TBDPOTFRVFODFNBOZQVCMJDBVUIPSJUJFTXFSFIJHIMZSFDFQUJWFUP
cooperation with the private sector and engagement in private–public partnerships
5VSPLõýýö)PXFWFSEVFUPJOTUJUVUJPOBMGSBHNFOUBUJPOBOEXFBLMFWFMTPGTUBUF
intervention, speculative forms of redevelopment tended to hinder socially oriented
JOUFSWFOUJPOT,FSFT[UÌMZBOE4DPUUöôõö"HPPEFYBNQMFJTUIFSFHFOFSBUJPOPGUIF
Kazimierz district in Krakow, where strong involvement of the private sector led to
unintentional market- and property-led revitalisation which benefited local commu-
OJUJFTJOBMJNJUFEXBZ.VS[ZOöôôú5IFSFGPSFUIFSFMBUJWFMZIJHITPDJPFDPOPNJD
status and renovated centres of cities like Prague or Krakow might not necessarily just
CFUIFFďFDUPGQMBOOFEQVCMJDSFHFOFSBUJPOQSPDFTTFTCVUBDPOTFRVFODFPGNBSLFU
pressure on attractive locations or the result of the historical characteristics of a city.
Alongside these processes, public agencies in CEE started to develop their own
practices to manage the challenges they faced. With time the ‘Western’ notions of
strategic planning and urban regeneration started to play a more important role
JOUIFQPMJDZBOEHPWFSOBODFQSBDUJDFTJOUIFMPDBMDJUJFT4DPUUBOE,ÝIOöôõö
$POTFRVFOUMZNBOZDJUJFTJO$&&JOJUJBUFEWBSJPVTBSFBCBTFEQSPKFDUTUBSHFUJOHSFHFO-
FSBUJPOPGUIFJSJOOFSBSFBT-FBSZBOE.D$BSUIZöôõ÷5IFBQQSPBDIFTEJTDVTTFEJO
the following section link to the case studies in Łód and represent culture-led devel-
opment, mega-projects and social revitalisation approaches.
2
1.2 Culture led-development
Viewed in a broad sense, culture-led development can be identified as one of the promi-
nent regeneration approaches in CEE. The contribution of culture to regeneration
may include a variety of interventions ranging from major investment in festivals or
flagship buildings to small-scale interventions like public arts programmes (Evans and
4IBXöôôø4FWFSBMSFQPSUTJEFOUJGZJOHDVMUVSFBOEBSUTBTBNFBOTUPTUPQUIFFSPTJPO
of inner-city districts had appeared already in the 1980s in the United Kingdom.
In the following years cities like Manchester experimented with the approach, with
EJďFSFOUDJUJFTBDSPTTUIFHMPCFGPMMPXJOHUIJTUSFOE,VO[NBOOöôôø&WFOUIPVHI
only a few of these were truly successful and the ability to emulate Manchester’s
success in cities like ŁódXBTEVCJPVT8BMLFSõýý÷UIFBQQSPBDIBUUSBDUFEBUUFO-
UJPOBMTPJO$&&$POTFRVFOUMZNBOZPGUIFMPDBMBVUIPSJUJFTJOWFTUFEJODVMUVSF
and arts in their inner cities from the 1990s onwards. On the one hand this type of
project has focused on traditional heritage and included the creation of museums
BOEDVMUVSBMUSBJMTBOEUIFDPNNFSDJBMJTBUJPOPGIFSJUBHF.VS[ZOöôôü0OUIF
other hand, industrial urban fabric has often been reinterpreted through linkage with
alternative arts, cultural events and creative industries. Both seem to be motivated by
potential economic gain as well as by a symbolic need to reinvent themselves through
MJOLBHF XJUI QSFDPNNVOJTU DBQJUBMJTU USBEJUJPOT 5×MMF öôõô *O GBDU JO 1PMBOE
cultural festivals are mushrooming in many primary and secondary cities. Similarly
pan-European arts and cultural programmes, like the European Capital of Culture,
steer many regeneration processes (i.e. in Sibiu in Romania or Pécs in Hungary). The
impact of these types of intervention varies from case to case, with the examples of
,SBLPX$BQJUBMPG$VMUVSFJOUIFZFBSöôôôCFMJFWFEUPJODSFBTFUIFUPVSJTUnPXJOUIF
DJUZXJUIPVUIBWJOHTJHOJmDBOUFďFDUTPOJUTADVMUVSBMMJGF)VHIFTFUBMöôô÷PSUIF
smaller-scale project in Śródka, Poznan, where the introduction of artists and cultural
institutions into the district has been contested by local communities (Kaczmarek
and MarcińD[BLöôõ÷8IFOJNQMFNFOUFEJOBTFDUPSBMNBOOFSXJUIPVUQSPBDUJWF
and multidimensional political and public engagement, cultural interventions hardly
CFOFmUUIFNBSHJOBMJTFEQPQVMBUJPO$PMPNCöôõõ*OGBDUDVMUVSFMFEEFWFMPQNFOU
runs the risk of promoting gentrification specifically in the context of the emergence
of new urban consumption spaces responding to new patterns of leisure and culture
(Zukin, 1998) introduced in post-socialist reality after 1989.
1.3 Mega-projects
Another inner-city regeneration approach with relevance to Łód is the develop-
ment of mega-projects. These can be identified as high-profile projects involving
the redevelopment of industrial and brownfield areas, the creation of transport
3
infrastructure and the renovation of historic districts (mostly with a focus on the needs
PGNJEEMFUPVQQFSDMBTTDPOTVNFST0SVFUBBOE'BJOTUFJOöôôü.FHBQSPKFDUT
tend to generate impressive budgets, public attention and general support from
EFDJTJPONBLFST5IFJSBUUSBDUJWFOFTTXBTJEFOUJmFECZ'MZWCKFSHöôõøBTMJOLFEUP
four technological, political, economic and aesthetic ‘sublimes’ which motivate the
development of mega-projects. The stakeholders involved expect clear benefits from
engaging in this type of initiative. Politically, mega-projects can result in media atten-
tion; economically, they promise new employment opportunities. They also might link
to technological innovation and enable the creation of iconically beautiful buildings.
However, as much as mega-projects succeed in exciting the general public, they also
tend to be characterised by a failure to keep to original deadlines and budgets as well
as a lack of overall transparency.
While there are privately driven initiatives like Port Praski in Warsaw, the emblem-
atic mega-projects with significant involvement of public authorities are not yet as
FWJEFOUJOJOOFSDJUJFTJO$&&BTJOUIFPME&6DPVOUSJFTKVTUUPOBNFBGFXUIF
4BHSFSBQSPKFDUJO#BSDFMPOB)BGFO$JUZJO)BNCVSHBOE4UVUUHBSUöõJO(FSNBOZ
In fact, numerous iconic buildings with a cultural function have been constructed in
the region and are being used as a tool to activate specific districts, but rarely emerge as
mega-projects and relate more to the culture-driven regeneration approach. Similarly,
many big projects involving the redevelopment of train stations are being carried out
in CEE and are associated with supplementary initiatives of the private sector (like
UIF8FTU&OE$JUZ$FOUSFJO#VEBQFTU1FUFSTBOE/PWZöôõö8JUIMBOECFDPNJOH
more and more expensive in the major cities of CEE, train companies have started to
use their valuable resources and take on the role of real-estate agents or developers.
Although this kind of project might impact regeneration of some areas in a city, their
main goal is the commercialisation of urban space, resulting in increasing commercial
functions in the total land use area (Sykora, 1999).
The mega-projects applied (or declared) as part of an inner city regeneration
strategy are implemented relatively rarely, which makes the case of the New Centre
of Łód or the Europoint in Brno all the more interesting as a subject for study and
evaluation.
1.4 Socially focused revitalisation
The last of the approaches with relevance to Łód – socially focused revitalisa-
UJPOoJODMVEFTDPNQSFIFOTJWFJOUFSWFOUJPOTXIJDIDPNQSFIFOTJWFMZ<AQ÷>BEESFTT
housing and issues of economic and social exclusion, and is supposed to benefit local
DPNNVOJUJFT ;JFMFOCBDIöôôö 5IF JNQPSUBODFPGUIJTBQQSPBDIJTSFnFDUFEJO
the Leipzig Charter on Sustainable European Cities signed by EU members states’
ministries responsible for urban development. The document places special emphasis
4
on deprived neighbourhoods and issues of social integration. It proposes tools like
social housing, strengthening the local economy and training for local communi-
UJFT-FJQ[JH$IBSUFSöôôü<AQø>5IFDPOTFOTVTPOIPXUIFSFWJUBMJTBUJPOTIPVME
happen does not automatically result in the implementation of socially oriented
intervention across the continent. Many authors doubt the ability of revitalisation
to trigger a development process which would benefit different social groups in an
FRVJUBCMFXBZ5FNFMPWáöôôý5IJTJTWJTJCMFFTQFDJBMMZJOQSPQFSUZMFEEFWFMPQ-
ment which concentrates predominantly on beautification and physical upgrading
5VSPLõýýöSBUIFSUIBOPOIPMJTUJDCPUUPNVQXPSLXJUIEFQSJWFEDPNNVOJUJFT"T
illustrated by various Western European examples of projects of those types, rather
than stimulating social inclusion, they often link to gentrification. Similar deviations
of the revitalisation approach have become a big concern in CEE cities. However,
next to emblematic examples illustrating the strong impact of gentrification, like the
1SFO[MBVFSCFSHEJTUSJDUJO#FSMJO)PMNöôôúUIFSFBSFBOVNCFSPGMFTTTUSBJHIU-
forward case studies. Hence in the CEE context some authors hesitate to take this
QFSTQFDUJWF GPS BOBMZTJOH POHPJOH VSCBO USBOTGPSNBUJPO )BBTF FU BM öôõö 'PS
instance, systematic research on several projects targeting inner-city regeneration in
Budapest showed that gentrification was not their principal result. The displacement
of lower-income residents was rare and happened mainly in state-led regeneration
QSPHSBNNFT,PWÅDTFUBMöôõö'JOBMMZFWFOJOUIFQSJNBSZDJUJFTPGUIFSFHJPO
one can find less attractive or historically deprived inner-city areas. They are still as
run-down as they were in the middle of the transformation period, which suggests that
the extent of regeneration projects and gentrification has not had a holistic impact
on inner cities. Mono-functional cities like Łód or Katowice in Poland have experi-
enced slightly different patterns of development. In fact, while the ‘successful’ cities
like Budapest have so-called ‘bad districts’ which are spatially limited, the majority of
the Łód inner city is considered to be deteriorating. If gentrification occurs there it
rather takes the form of ‘facade’ or ‘pocket’ gentrification (MarcińD[BLöôôû*OUIJT
context, prospective socially oriented interventions in CEE might still benefit from
rich international experience and propose alternative revitalisation solutions which
could work against gentrification effects.
2. Łódź: socio-economic context
ŁódJTUIFUIJSECJHHFTUDJUZJO1PMBOEXJUIûõõ÷ôôJOIBCJUBOUTJOöôõ÷4UBUJTUJDBM
0ĐDFJO-PE[öôõøBMPDBUFEJOUIFFYBDUDFOUSFPGUIFDPVOUSZõöôLJMPNFUSFTXFTU
of the capital city, Warsaw. The city experienced rapid development in the nineteenth
century when, in just a hundred years, it was transformed from a minor town into the
economic centre of the region. Back in the day it was labelled a Polish Manchester
BOEJEFOUJmFEXJUITQFDUBDVMBSGPSUVOFTBTXFMMBTNBKPSJOFRVBMJUZBOEXPSLJOHDMBTT
5
struggle. The events of the Second World War dramatically reshaped Łód’s multi-
cultural population structure, turning it into mono-ethnic Polish city. Even though the
inner city did not suffer significant destruction during the war, relevant investments
were stalled as the main priority of the new authorities was to develop large-scale
housing projects outside the city centre. The key economic driver – the textile industry
– had continued to sustain the city’s growth for almost fifty years until the fall of
DPNNVOJTNBOETVCTFRVFOUDMPTVSFPGUIF3VTTJBONBSLFU5IFDMPTVSFBďFDUFEUIF
collapse of the most important local enterprises. Lack of employment opportunities,
along with general depopulation trends, in the country resulted in a dramatic fall
JOUIFDJUZTQPQVMBUJPO$POTFRVFOUMZCFUXFFOõýüüBOEöôõõUIFDJUZMPTUõø÷ôôô
DJUJ[FOTBOEJUTQSPKFDUFEQPQVMBUJPOGPSöôõùXBTúýýôý÷4UBUJTUJDBM0ĐDFJOÕE[
öôõøC
The change of economic system in 1989 and suburbanisation processes contrib-
uted to further impoverishment and depopulation of the inner city. Already in the
1990s systematic research identified the existence of seventeen poverty enclaves within
Łód, twelve of them within its inner city (Warzywoda-Kruszyńska, 1998). These areas
XFSFDIBSBDUFSJTFECZPWFS÷ôQFSDFOUPGIPVTFIPMETVTJOHTPDJBMDBSFTFSWJDFTIJHI
unemployment, lower education levels and arguably higher crime rates. Similar obser-
vations have been made in the new millennium as the result of research in the whole
inner city, illustrating the prevalence of social exclusion in the area (Stelmachowicz-
Pawyza and SwieBXTLB"NCSP[JBLöôôý-JLFXJTFUIFBOBMZTJTPGTPDJPFDPOPNJD
status in Łód revealed that six out of seven areas which were classified in the lower
half of the ranking were located in the inner city. In contrast to major capital cities of
the region, there was a tendency for people with higher socio-economic status to live
JOUIFTVCVSCBOEJTUSJDUT'SZLPXTLJöôôøXIJDIJODMVEFEOPUPOMZUIFUPQFOEBSFBT
but even a part of the large housing estates built in the socialist times.
3. Urban planning in Łódź
3.1 Overview and methods
The research in this paper aims at the identification of the main approaches to inner-
city regeneration in Łód, as well as providing a review of how these approaches have
transformed during the twenty-five years since the change of the political system in
1989. Additionally the paper documents how the approaches have been implemented
in practice.
Since the fall of the socialist regime there have been several documents at a national
level with relevance to inner-city regeneration processes (such as the Spatial Planning
BOE%FWFMPQNFOU"DUPGöôô÷)PXFWFSUIFTFEPDVNFOUTUPPLUIFGPSNPGDMBTTJDBM
spatial planning instruments which did not enable implementation of comprehensive
6
regeneration projects. Until recently, urban development and renewal in Poland have
been considered municipal affairs with no related national or regional urban renewal
QPMJDJFTPSQSPHSBNNFT'SBOLFFUBMöôõö4DPUUBOE,ÝIOöôõö0OMZJOöôõùXBT
UIFSFEFEJDBUFEMFHJTMBUJPOXIFOUIF3FWJUBMJ[BUJPO"DU<AQõö>XBTBEPQUFEJOUSP-
ducing a number of instruments for steering the regeneration process (including tax
incentives and a bureaucratic framework). The analysis conducted here pre-dates that
"DU3FnFDUJOHUIFMBDLPGDPNQSFIFOTJWFMFHJTMBUJPOBUBOBUJPOBMMFWFMCFGPSFöôõù
only local-level documentation has been included in the review.
At a local level, three types of planning document are relevant for the city’s spatial
EFWFMPQNFOUTQBUJBMTUVEJFTMPDBMTQBUJBMEFWFMPQNFOUQMBOTBOEQMBOOJOHEFDJTJPOT
with the latter two being binding legal documents defining elements like land use,
UZQFPGQFSNJUUFEEFWFMPQNFOUBOETPPO0&$%öôõú5IFTFJOTUSVNFOUTXJUI
the exception of general guidelines outlined within spatial studies, do not define the
particular strategic orientation and vision of the inner-city regeneration process.
Rather, they provide a functional framework for implementation of external strate-
gies and set a legal basis for the development of the built environment. As such, for
the present analysis they were considered only a supplementary source.
Following the notion of strategic urban planning as a normative model guiding
urban regeneration, a set of documents reflecting its main elements – vision, projects
BOEQBSUOFSTIJQT4DPUUBOE,ÝIOöôõöoIBWFCFFOTFMFDUFEGPSBOBMZTJT5IFmSTU
FMFNFOUWJTJPOGPSNTUIFDFOUSBMQBSU$POTFRVFOUMZUIFLFZEPDVNFOUTJODMVEFE
are the ones defining overall city development strategies. The selection of this type of
documentation allows us to review what was the focus on the inner-city regeneration
among the different urban development priorities defined by the city authorities. It
also enables us to trace how this focus has changed and to identify the evolution of the
approaches to inner-city regeneration post-1989.
Four city-level strategy documents were included in the analysis. According to
the current information provided by the City Office in Łód, there have been two
official, comprehensive strategies of that kind developed since the beginning of the
õýýôTUIFõýýø4USBUFHZGPSUIF$JUZBOEUIFöôõö*OUFHSBUFE%FWFMPQNFOU4USBUFHZ
for Łódöôöô Nevertheless the City Council resolution from 1999, ‘Concerning
main assumptions for the city’s development strategy and key activities of the city
management during III term’, as well as the ‘Plan of the development of Łód for
UIFZFBSTöôôûoöôõ÷GVODUJPOFEBTTUSBUFHJDEPDVNFOUTBOEMBJEUIFGPVOEBUJPOTGPS
TFWFSBMJNQPSUBOUQSPHSBNNFTJOUIFJOOFSDJUZ$POTFRVFOUMZUIFZBSFJODMVEFEJO
the analysis.
The analysis concentrated on the identification of objectives defining the focus of
UIFTUSBUFHJFT5IJTJODMVEFTSFWJFX<AQ5] of two highest levels of objective which,
in line with the Project Cycle Management Guidelines of the European Commission
&VSPQFBO$PNNJTTJPOöôôøEFmOFUIFPSJFOUBUJPOPGUIFTUSBUFHJFTBOEQSPKFDUT
7
including
t PWFSBMMPCKFDUJWFToEFmOJOHUIFJSFOEQVSQPTFPSUIFEPNBJOUPXIJDIUIFZ
contribute;
t TQFDJmDPCKFDUJWFTQVSQPTFHPBMToSFnFDUJOHNPSFEFUBJMFEBOEJOUFSNFEJBSZ
steps to be achieved.
Sections of the strategies describing their objectives have been identified and rigor-
ously reviewed. If no such dedicated section existed, the entire documents were
reviewed in order to identify the parts defining the objectives of the strategies. Based
on the scope of the objectives and their further description in the reviewed strategies
UIFZXFSFDMBTTJmFEBT
1 directly relevant (those which defined area/actions in the inner city as well as
those which related to functions and issues most characteristic of the inner city),
öTUSPOHMZSFMBUFEUIPTFXIJDISFMBUFEUPGVODUJPOTJTTVFTXIJDIBSFSFMFWBOUUPUIF
inner city but often occur outside it as well),
÷JOEJSFDUMZSFMFWBOUSFMBUFEUPCSPBEFSGVODUJPOTBOEJTTVFTPOUIFDJUZTDBMFBOE
not described in the strategies in the context of the inner city), and
øXJUIOPUBOHJCMFMJOLUPUIFJOOFSDJUZSFHFOFSBUJPOQSPDFTTOPUSFMBUFEFYQMJDJUMZ
to functions and issues in the inner city).
The analysis led to the identification of three approaches to inner-city regeneration
which were represented within different objectives and categorised as culture-led
development, mega-project, or socially focused revitalisation. Lastly, the review
focused on identifying whether any specific programmes and projects with a focus on
the inner city were proposed to be implemented within the strategies.
<AQú>4FDUJPOùBJNTBUJMMVTUSBUJOH
t )PXXFSFUIFJOOFSDJUZSFHFOFSBUJPOBQQSPBDIFTJEFOUJmFEXJUIJOUIFTUSBUFHJFT
implemented?
t 8IBUXBTUIFSFMBUJPOCFUXFFOEJďFSFOUBQQSPBDIFT
t 8IBUXFSFUIFJSJOJUJBMPVUDPNFT
The implementation of specific projects is traced with the documentation listed in
Table 1 as well as available secondary sources. This part of the analysis enabled the
review of two remaining elements of the strategic planning model, the ‘projects’ and
‘partnerships’.
8
Table 1 Overview of overall and specific objectives of the city-level strategies
Strategy Overall objectives with
relevance to inner-city
regeneration
(directly relevant,
strongly related,
indirectly relevant, no
tangible link)
Specific objectives Represented
approach:
1. culture-led
development
2. mega-project
3. socially focused
revitalisation
Programmes and
projects resulting
from the strategy
1994 3 ‘Values/elements’ of
the strategy listed,
none with tangible
link to inner-city
regeneration
- - -
1999 6 listed, 1 strongly
related, 5 indirectly
relevant
Strongly related:
‘Enhancement
and development
of metropolitan
functions’: cultural
activities seen as an
element of metro-
politan function of
the city
6 listed, 1 directly relevant, 5
indirectly relevant
Directly relevant:
‘Delimitation of prestige areas:
around main train station,
Piotrkowska street and industrial
heritage zones’
2, 3
‘Simplified Local
Revitalization Plan
for the Selected
Inner City Areas
for the years
2004–2013’
1 (mentioned
indirectly within
overall objective)
2007 3 overall objectives –
all strongly related to
inner-city regeneration
14 listed, 3 directly relevant, 1
strongly related, 8 indirectly relevant,
2 no tangible link
I. Improving competi-
tiveness of the city
Directly relevant:
‘Increasing city attractiveness’:
including the creation of strategy of
the city as a ‘city of culture and the
arts’ with the focus on multicultur-
ality, music (clubbing), visual arts
1 Application for
European Capital
of Culture (2010 –
not successful)
Strategy of
Promotion of Łódź
Brand (2010)
II. Improvement of
the quality of life in
the city
Directly relevant:
‘Revitalisation and development of
housing’ including:
Revitalisation of inner-city area
between Piotrkowska-Tuwima-
Kilińskiego-Piłsudskiego streets (see
Figure 5),
Revitalisation of EC1 and its adapta-
tion on cultural and artistic goals,
Creation of Special Art Zone,
Revitalisation of family housing
2, 3 New Centre of Łódź
Programme (2007)
Revitalization of
Family Housing
Programme (2007)
Integrated
Programme of
Revitalisation of
Księży Młyn Area
(2010)
City of Tenement
Houses (2011)
III Creation of
high-quality social
environment
Directly relevant:
‘Decreasing poverty areas and
counteracting social exclusion’.
Strongly related:
‘Counteracting unemployment and
activation of local employment
market’
3 Social Revitalisation
Strategy (2009)
9
Strategy Overall objectives with
relevance to inner-city
regeneration
(directly relevant,
strongly related,
indirectly relevant, no
tangible link)
Specific objectives Represented
approach:
1. culture-led
development
2. mega-project
3. socially focused
revitalisation
Programmes and
projects resulting
from the strategy
2012 3 ‘pillars’ all strongly
related to inner-city
regeneration
10 specific objectives: 2 directly
relevant, 6 strongly related and 2
indirectly relevant.
I. Economy and
Infrastructure
Directly relevant:
‘New Centre of Łódź – realisation
of the vision including creation of a
modern area of social and economic
activity with very good accessibility’.
Strongly related:
‘Functional Łódź metropolis which
fully exploits its potential arising from
the central position in Europe and
Poland’
‘Enterprising, creative and innovative
Łódź – development in the Łódź
agglomeration of economy based on
knowledge, innovation and creative
ideas, exploiting the scientific and
entrepreneurial potential of Łódź
with the focus on supporting creative
industries’
2
2
1
II. Society and Culture Strongly related:
‘City common good – building
of high-quality social capital and
development of Łódź citizens’
participation’
‘Culture at the heart increasing
residents’ participation in culture
through effective exploitation of
cultural and creative potential of
Łódź’
1, 3
1, 3
III. Space and
Environment
Directly relevant:
‘Regeneration of the city centre –
improvement of Łódź citizens’ quality
of life through enhancement of
attractiveness of the central areas of
the city, through reconstruction of the
historic urban fabric with conferment
of new functions on it’
Strong related:
‘City of sustainable transport
improvement of the quality of life
and economic attractiveness of
the city through development of a
friendly and sustainable system of
public transport, integrated on a
scale of the Łódź Metropolitan Area’.
‘Safe city – increase in the level
of security, improvement of public
order, cleanliness and aesthetic
characteristics of the city’
3
2, 3
3
Local Revitalization
Programme, Łódź
2020 + (2015)
10
3.2 Limitations of the study
The key limitation of the study relates to the early phases of inner-city development
in the 1990s, which lacked a single coherent vision. Planning documents like the local
spatial development plans were to a large extent absent, which enabled the private
sector to have a powerful and haphazard influence on the city’s built environment.
"EEJUJPOBMMZUIFCJOEJOHEPDVNFOUA4USBUFHZGPSUIF$JUZGSPNõýýøQSPWJEFEBWFSZ
generic and limited orientation for the city’s development. The overall and specific
objectives are not listed explicitly but defined as ‘values’ and described in a general
‘narrative’ way, and have been identified by the author through a detailed review of
the text. Similarly the 1999 strategy includes a category of ‘long-term activities’ which
are identified here as specific objectives and included in the analysis.
While the lack of relevant strategies already provides important information about
this phase of the city’s development, the lack of overarching planning documents and
legislation suggests many decisions were made at municipal office departmental level.
For this reason the analysis of the early period is supported by secondary sources and
literature which enabled some of these activities to be traced.
3.3 The whole picture: three approaches to inner-city regeneration
As a result of analysing the process of transformation of the existing city-level strate-
gies in ŁódUXPQSPDFTTFTBSFXPSUIOPUJOH'JSTUUIFRVBMJUZPGTUSBUFHJFTJNQSPWFE
PWFSUJNFXJUIUIFJOJUJBMõýýøTUSBUFHZCFJOHBAWJTJPOEPDVNFOUSBUIFSUIBOBSFBM
strategy which could steer the work of municipal offices. Over time the issue was
BEESFTTFEBOEGSPNöôôûPOXBSETUIF EPDVNFOUTDPOUBJOFE XFMMPSHBOJTFEQMBOT
which guide the establishment of relevant programmes and projects. Second, in terms
of the contents, one can notice an increased focus on the issues evident in the inner
city. While the strategies from the 1990s signify that one of the main problems in Łód
JTUIFEFUFSJPSBUJPOPGJUTDFOUSBM[POFUIFöôôôToöôõôTTUSBUFHJFTHFOVJOFMZBUUFNQU
to propose solutions for its regeneration. The initial focus in the 1990s lies in the
culture-led development approach with initial ideas about the promotion of the city
through replication of the myth of the ‘Polish Manchester’, ‘promised land for entre-
preneurial people’, as well as historical multiculturalism. The approach has continued
until the present day; however, with time, the focus has shifted to the concept of the
DSFBUJWFDJUZBOEBMUFSOBUJWFBSUT"MUIPVHIUIFTUSBUFHZGSPNöôôûBMTPSFGFSSFEUPUIF
city traditions, including the world-famous Łód Film School and twentieth-century
avant-garde arts, the inspiration provided by Richard Florida’s concept of creative
classes is evident. Like some UK cities, the urban fabric filled with neglected indus-
trial spaces was perceived as a great resource for the development of a creative-based
economy. A variety of loosely connected initiatives emerged out of this strategic orien-
tation which, in this paper, will be categorised as culture-led development.
11
The urban mega-project was introduced solely as a culture-led initiative involving
the redevelopment of an old power station, EC1, into a cultural centre and the David
Lynch film studio. However it evolved into a huge infrastructural project which was
BOFYUSFNFMZJNQPSUBOUFMFNFOUPGUIFDJUZTUSBUFHZGSPNöôôûPOXBSET*OUIFZFBST
öôôûoöôõùUIFQSPKFDUSFNBJOFEUIFCJHHFTUBOENPTUFYQFOTJWFJOWFTUNFOUJOUIFDJUZ
Although the contents of the project have significantly changed during its course, the
öôõöTUSBUFHZTUJMMQPTJUJPOFEJUBTBLFZJOJUJBUJWFGPSUIFDJUZ
The third approach, ‘social revitalisation’, is in sharp contrast to the other two
approaches. It was originally mentioned in the 1999 strategy and began to take shape
JOöôôøUISPVHIUIFmSTUBSFBCBTFESFWJUBMJTBUJPOQSPHSBNNF*UPďFSFEBEJďFSFOU
perspective on inner-city regeneration which would take place not only through
promotional efforts or as a counterbalance to major investment, but rather as a long-
term systematic effort to reduce existing social issues and poverty. It was strongly
SFJOGPSDFEJOUIFöôõöTUSBUFHZBOEJOöôõùMJOLFEUPUIFSFDFOU3FWJUBMJ[BUJPO"DU
<AQõö>BOEBNBTTJWFQSPHSBNNFPGUIFSFWJUBMJTBUJPOPGÕE inner city.
4. The application of the strategies
4.1 Culture-led development: from demolition to creative industries
The strategic focus on culture was already prominent in the 1990s, when the author-
ities approved several plans and facilitated a number of initiatives centred on the
UIFNFPGUIFDJUZTIJTUPSZ5IFõýýö4QBUJBM1MBOPGUIF$JUZPGÕE underscored
the relevance of the ‘regeneration of cultural space and the creation of an emotional
attachment between its inhabitants and their city’ (Young and Kaczmarek, 1999, 185).
'VSUIFSNPSFUIF4USBUFHZGPSUIF$JUZõýýøBOE1SPNJTFE-BOEo0ODF"HBJO
campaign (1995) developed by the Department of City Strategy were intended to
link current developments of the city with the urban heritage and ‘golden’ traditions
of the nineteenth-century metropolis – a ‘promised land’ for entrepreneurs of all
nationalities (Young and Kaczmarek, 1999). However, in spite of this narration and
the plans to regenerate the cultural spaces of the city, the ‘legal’ and illegal demolition
of factories was a more prominent manifestation of the city’s approach to the indus-
trial heritage of nineteenth-century Łód;ZTJBLöôõô%VSJOHUIJTQFSJPETFWFSBM
impressive pearls of industrial architecture were irreversibly lost.
By the start of the twenty-first century, the narrative focus in the city’s promotion
had gradually shifted towards tolerance and the cultural diversity of pre-war Łód. As
stated by the former director of the Strategy and Analysis Department of the Łód
City Office,
Łód was a multicultural, tolerant town. A memory of that multicultural character
ought to be inculcated into the public consciousness, it ought to be turned into a public,
12
media, tourist product, even though material centres of this phenomenon hardly exist
BOZNPSF.JDIBMTLJöôôúõ
This strategy was manifest in a number of festivals which took place in the city centre
BOEXFSFVTFEBTBUPPMGPSJUTBDUJWBUJPO*OöôôöUIFBOOVBM'FTUJWBMPG%JBMPHVFPG
UIF'PVS$VMUVSFT1PMJTI+FXJTI(FSNBOBOE3VTTJBOXBTJOJUJBUFE*OöôôøUIFDJUZ
DFMFCSBUFEUIF:FBSPG+FXJTI$VMUVSFBOE)JTUPSZBOEJOöôôùUIF:FBSPG(FSNBO
$VMUVSFBOE)JTUPSZ:PVOHBOE,BD[NBSFLöôôü"EEJUJPOBMMZUIFWJTVBMTQBDF
of the city has been enriched by monuments and museums, a reminder that Łód
XBTPODFBNVMUJDVMUVSBMDJUZ(BMVT[LBöôõ÷5IJTJODMVEFTUIFOPUBCMFFYBNQMF
PG4VSWJWPST1BSLPQFOFEJOöôôøBOEEFWPUFEUP1PMFTXIPTBWFE+FXTEVSJOHUIF
Second World War.
The scope of culture-led development initiatives gradually shifted to ‘alterna-
tive’ Łód and creativity, which linked to the traditions of the Łód film industry
#S[P[PXTLBöôõú5IF$BNFSJNBHFmMNGFTUJWBMöôôôoöôôýHBJOFETUSPOHSFDPH-
nition. Some bottom-up initiatives like the Łód Design Festival and the Łód Photo
Figure 1 [AQ7]
13
Festival, as well as the Urban Form Gallery (the creation of large murals across the
DJUZTFF'JHVSFöXFSFTUBSUFEJOöôôöBOEöôôýSFTQFDUJWFMZBOEIBWFCFFOTUSPOHMZ
supported by the city.
4JNJMBSMZBSPVOEöôõôWBSJPVTDSFBUJWFJOEVTUSZTFDUPSTFTQFDJBMMZUIFEFTJHOBOE
film industries, were promoted. The recurrent theme of culture-led development
XBTSFJOGPSDFEJOöôõôXIFOUIFOFX4USBUFHZPG1SPNPUJPOPGUIFÕE Brand
was approved by the City Council and the application for designation as European
$BQJUBMPG$VMUVSFöôõúXBTTVCNJUUFE5IFTUSBUFHJDPCKFDUJWFPGUIFGPSNFSXBTUP
create ‘the image of Łód as a Creative Industries Centre on the perceptual map of
Poland, Europe and the world’ and to create ‘the image of a creative, energetic, open,
entrepreneurial, independent and bold place’ (UrząE.JBTUBPE[Jöôõôúö
Overall the strategic documents analysed, together with the festivals and spatial
interventions, illustrate just how seductive for the city authorities were Florida’s concept
of creative classes and the narrative of a tolerant, open city. In spite of these efforts, the
&VSPQFBO$BQJUBMPG$VMUVSFöôõúUJUMFXBTXPOCZ8SPDBXXIJDIBQQMJFEBTJNJMBS
Figure 2 [AQ7]
14
strategy. Additionally, the trust of the city authorities in the impact of the culture-led
regeneration approach may be overshadowed by common contestation of the values
promoted by the urban development strategies. The official narrative is contradicted
CZUIFOVNFSPVTSBDJTUHSBĐUJEPNJOBUJOHUIFJOOFSDJUZTQBDFT(BMVT[LBöôôý
Similarly, according to the research concerning the proposed elements of the New
Centre of Łód project, the only one which received dominant negative feedback was
the construction of the streets of Four Cultures (Polish, Jewish, German and Russian)
(KrzewińTLBöôõô*OUIJTDPOUFYUJUTFFNTUIBUUIFDVMUVSFMFEDPNQPOFOUPGUIF
regeneration strategy is rather supposed to attract tourists and ‘elite’ migrants to the
city, or to convince the incoming students that it is interesting to live in the city. The
‘creative’, avant-garde and previous multiculturalism components are indeed of little
interest for the majority of citizens of this predominantly working-class city.
4.2 New Centre of Łódź: a mega-project
The New Centre of Łód (NCL) mega-project concerns the development of an
approximately hundred-hectare area in the city centre. The idea of the project has
CFFOMJOLFEXJUIUIFFTUBCMJTINFOUPGUIF8PSME"SU'PVOEBUJPOJOöôôúCZBMPDBM
businessman, along with a curator of the Camerimage movie festival and the famous
film director David Lynch. Of those three stakeholders the local ones were very influen-
tial in shaping the project in its first years. Initially, they planned to redevelop a disused
power station (EC1) into a cultural centre and film studio. The idea coincided with
the plans of the Polish Railway Company (PKP) and the city authorities to redevelop
a central, terminal railway station into an underground station and the creation of a
railway network under the centre of the city. Like many Western European transit-
PSJFOUFEQSPKFDUT%FTKBSEJOTFUBMöôõøCPUIQSPQPTBMTNFSHFEJOUPBOBNCJUJPVT
concept of redeveloping liberated brownfield land and a railway zone into a high-end
district mixing cultural, transport and business functions.
The City Council legitimised and defined the process through the Resolution
Implementing the New Centre of Łód Programme (UrząE.JBTUBPE[Jöôôû<AQ8]).
At this stage the concept had already been presented to the citizens, although they
had virtually no impact on its shape. In fact, as opposed to some western projects
HafenCity in Hamburg, the city did not own all the land before announcing the
project, but proceeded to purchase it during the planning and implementation stages
of the project. In part, this could have been motivated by the deadlines for EU
GVOEJOHXIJDISFWFSTFEUIFTFRVFODFPGJOWFTUNFOUBOESVTIFEQSPWJTJPOBMBHSFF-
ments between the involved stakeholders. At the same time, the lack of a consultation
phase could be put down to ignorance of public authorities rooted in the inheritance
of socialist planning. Similarly, the poor participatory aspect links to the lack of a
tradition of civic engagement, which can also be identified in other post-socialist cities
15
TFF)JSUöôôù"TBDPOTFRVFODFUIFBVUIPSJUJFTBOEUXPBGPSFNFOUJPOFETUBLF-
IPMEFSTGSPNUIFCVTJOFTTBOEBSUTTFDUPSTDSBGUFEBQMBOGPSBADVMUVSBMRVBSUFSBOE
BACVTJOFTTRVBSUFSMPDBUFEBSPVOEBOFXNVMUJNPEBMUSBOTQPSUOPEF5IFGPSNFS
was planned to include several revitalised and new buildings with a cultural function.
"NPSFEFUBJMFEQMBOGPSUIFDVMUVSBMRVBSUFSXBTQSPQPTFECZ3PC,SJFSXIJDI
embodied the ambition of the main stakeholders to create a new ‘old town’ with a
NBSLFUTRVBSFBOEGPVSOBSSPXTUSFFUTOBNFE1PMJTI+FXJTI(FSNBOBOE3VTTJBO
clearly referring to the myth of nineteenth-century multicultural Łód.
*OUIFACVTJOFTTRVBSUFSUIFDPOTUSVDUJPOPGBOFXIJHISJTFCVTJOFTTEJTUSJDUXBT
planned. This was justified by the planned shortened travel time to the centre of the
capital city, Warsaw, and the proposed construction of a tunnel under the city centre
which would enable Łód to be connected to the planned Fast Railway Network and
the developing Łód .FUSPQPMJUBO3BJMXBZTZTUFN"TBDPOTFRVFODFUIFJOJUJBMMZ
planned area of office space was estimated at an unrealistic level of a minimum
û÷øôôôTRVBSFNFUSFTBOEBNBYJNVNõùöüôôôTRVBSFNFUSFT5IJTDPOUSBTUFE
sharply with the overall amount of office space available and under construction in
ŁódJOöôõôSFBDIJOHBUPUBMBSFBPGBSPVOEöùôôôôTRVBSFNFUSFT(BMVT[LBöôõô
For the first five to seven years the project was developed along those lines, with
the buildings and roads designed and funding sourced from EU, state and the city’s
budgets. The city’s ambition to create iconic architecture was realised with the concept
designs for the Special Art Zone and the Festival/Congress Hall, the latter planned
to be designed by the famous architect Frank Gehry. The extravagant and expensive
architecture was justified by the main stakeholders in terms of the supposed benefits to
the city thanks to the expected ‘Guggenheim Museum effect’. The proposal did not take
into consideration that replicating the same idea in a different context might not work
XFMM,VO[NBOOöôôø8IJMFXPSLPOUIFTUBUJPOBOESFEFWFMPQNFOUPGUIFPMEQPXFS
station went forward steadily, the other project started to enter a critical phase around
öôõôPSöôõõ'JSTUUIFPQQPTJUJPOQBSUJFTJOUIF$JUZ$PVODJMRVFTUJPOFEUIFDPTUTPG
UIFQMBOOFE'FTUJWBM$POHSFTT)BMMCZ'SBOL(FISZ"TBDPOTFRVFODFPOFPGUIFNBJO
stakeholders threatened to take away the aforementioned Camerimage Festival from
Łód, which triggered protests and the occupation of the City Council by local students.
This was the first time that the citizens got seriously involved in the project and, most
interestingly, supported public spending on the investment rather than opposing it.
In fact, initially almost all aspects of the proposed projects received very strong
public support (KrzewińTLBöôõô8IJMFJUJTOPUVODPNNPOGPSTJNJMBSJOJUJBUJWFTUP
receive substantial support in their initial stages, it might seem odd that the campaign
supporting public spending came about in spite of the lack of a consultation phase at
UIFCFHJOOJOHPGUIFQSPKFDU*OUIFTJNJMBS4UVUUHBSUöõQSPKFDUSFBMJTFEJO4UVUUHBSU
Germany, a massive protest against the project eventually took place, even though the
consultation phase had been conducted in its initial stages. Along with its rising costs,
16
TVQQPSUGPSUIFQSPKFDUIBTQSPHSFTTJWFMZEFDMJOFEBOEJUTFMFNFOUTXFSFSFRVFTUFEUP
CFEPXOTDBMFE/PWZBOE1FUFSTöôõö
In Łód, several components of the project failed or were eventually scaled down
due to internal conflict, but not because of social control. Public meetings held from
öôõôPOXBSETBOETPNFDPOTVMUBUJPOFYFSDJTFTXJUIUIFQVCMJDTUVEFOUTBOEBDBEFNJB
were initiated. In spite of failing to realise two iconic architecture projects, the author-
ities and the involved stakeholders kept on pushing for extravagant architecture. Most
recently they proposed a ‘gate to the city’ project with a structure in the style of La
Défense, following up the ‘Old City’ fantasy foreign to Łód planning traditions. In
line with the city’s specification, the concept design was proposed by Daniel Lebeskind
and offered along with the land to potential investors. Finally, after a couple of failed
tenders, a private company decided to construct the building in the form of the ‘gate’,
yet with an arguably cheaper non-Lebeskind design.
In summary, the project went through significant transformation during its devel-
opment. Although its socio-economic impacts cannot be evaluated at this point, some
of its initial outcomes are already evident. The project obviously failed in terms of
the ambitions to create iconic architecture, and experienced the conflicting interests
of involved stakeholders and multiple delays, all of which were described by Bent
'MZWCKFSHBTJTTVFTUZQJDBMPGNFHBQSPKFDUT'MZWCKFSHöôõø5IFSBJMXBZTUBUJPOBOE
NVMUJNPEBMOPEFXFSFmOBMJTFEJOöôõû'JHVSF÷
Figure 3 [AQ7]
17
The other highly unrealistic element of the high-rise business district will not be
realised. However, the project had already managed to attract some private invest-
NFOU*OöôõùUISFFPĐDFCVJMEJOHTXJUIBKPJOUTQBDFPGüôôôôTRVBSFNFUSFTXFSF
being constructed (FrąLöôõù*OBEEJUJPOQBSUPGUIFSFEFWFMPQNFOUPGUIF&$õ
QPXFSTUBUJPO'JHVSFøXBTmOBMJTFEJOöôõùBOEBTPGFBSMZöôõúXBTDPOTJEFSFEB
success.
4.3 Social revitalisation
The first manifestation of the social-revitalisation approach was the Local Revitalization
1SPHSBNNF-31öôôøoöôõ÷GPSUIFJOOFSDJUZ. The programme identified a pilot
BSFB"XJUIUXPTVCBSFBT4PVUIBOE/PSUIBOEUISFFPUIFSBSFBT#$BOE%TFF
Figure 5) (UrząE.JBTUBPE[Jöôôø
The majority of projects took place within the first area, A South, characterised
CZIJHIEFOTJUZBOEBDFOUSBMMPDBUJPO5IFGVOEJOHCFUXFFOöôôøBOEöôôúXBT
Figure 4 [AQ7]
18
primarily devoted to infrastructure and housing, the latter developed with the support
of the Social Housing Corporation which delivered small numbers of affordable flats.
Probably, for the first time in the modern history of the city, a consultative component
of the programme was trailed, although it was mostly limited to informing citizens
and experts’ consultation.
Three remaining areas identified in the LRP for redevelopment somewhat merged
or were included in different programmes. Area B of the LRP was included in the
New Centre of Łód project. Areas C and D of the intervention specifically targeted
family housing (nineteenth-century brick housing created for factory workers in the
vicinity of the enterprises) and were included in the Programme of Revitalization
of Family Housing. These activities were continued outside the original framework
of the LRP, and although they have a declared social component, they supported
Figure 5 [AQ7]
19
the gentrification process. More precisely, the programme included renovation of
housing in the target areas and selling it on the free market, if the current inhabitants
agreed to move to substitute housing constructed by the private investor in a different
MPDBUJPO,PXBMTLBöôõô"UUIFTBNFUJNFUIFQSPHSBNNFJO,TJęZ.ZOBSFB%
included debt reduction opportunities and formed a social club in the district. It also
incentivised the relocation of its inhabitants through preferential purchase and rent
levels in the new housing (rent was kept at the same level as in previous, run-down
housing). When linked with the opinion of the current president of the city, stating
that the area should become ‘a paradise for artists, creatives and visionaries, who
XPVMEMJLFUPSFBMJTFUIFJSQSPKFDUT57/öøöôõøJUCFDPNFTPCWJPVTUIBUUIFDJUZ
has not given up on the ‘creative-classes’ approach and has linked it to revitalisation
discourse. Similarly, area C of the LRP has evolved into a City of Tenement Houses
1SPHSBNNFBOEIBTCFFOSFBMJTFETJODFöôõõXJUIBOJOUFOUJPOPGAFMJNJOBUJOHTPDJBM
housing through its removal from the inner-city district’ (UrząE.JBTUBPE[Jöôõ÷
(so advocating gentrification in a very straightforward manner).
Regardless of the inconsistency in understanding the revitalisation in Łód, the
experience of the programmes described here set a basis for initiatives with stronger
Figure 6 [AQ7]
20
participatory and social components and provided the opportunity for rising city
movements and NGOs. These movements became more evident and involved in
HPWFSOBODFBGUFSöôõôXIFOUIFDJUZQPQVMBUJPOWPUFEPVUÕE’s previous president
in a common referendum. Since then, the authorities have been more open to innova-
tive approaches, like the establishment of Brazilian-inspired participatory budgeting,
XJUIBOBOOVBMGVOEPGBQQSPYJNBUFMZſõôNJMMJPO4UPLmT[FXTLJöôõùXIJDIIBT
enabled pedestrianising and beautification of some central spaces in the inner city
(Figure 6).
The shift in thinking about the social aspects of revitalisation became even more
WJTJCMFBSPVOEöôõ÷XIFOUIFDJUZTUBSUFEUPQMBOBOFOPSNPVTOFXSFWJUBMJTBUJPO
programme for the entire inner city. The whole process consists of strong social
components, participatory-planning workshops and consultations and a rent control
system. Initially it also got support from the city movements and activists whose repre-
TFOUBUJWFTXFSFEJSFDUMZBQQPJOUFEJOUIFDJUZPĐDF'JOBMMZBUUIFCFHJOOJOHPGöôõú
the initial funding for the programme was secured with a budget of around 1 billion
1-/ JODMVEJOH úùô NJMMJPO 1-/ GSPN &6 TPVSDFT #VKBMTLJ öôõú XIJDI TIPVME
provide ample opportunities for comprehensive inner-city regeneration (Figure 7).
Figure 7 [AQ7]
21
To sum up, the initial regeneration efforts labelled as social revitalisation have
been, in many aspects, limited to the development of housing and infrastructure,
XJUIUIFNJOPSBEEJUJPOPGTPDJBMQSPHSBNNFT8IJMFRVJUFDPNQMFYBOEJOOPWBUJWF
social revitalisation strategies have been developed, rather contradictory approaches
to social support and relocation have been implemented in parallel. The projects
labelled revitalisation of the inner city have often overlapped with culture-led develop-
ment and the mega-project. Finally, it is hard to evaluate the effects of these projects,
with out-migration remaining high and most of the housing stock still deteriorating.
The latest ambitious revitalisation-oriented efforts might result in real change in the
coming years, which will advance the understanding of participatory development
and social regeneration in post-socialist cities. Certainly they do illustrate that, twenty-
five years since the change of political regime, a slow shift in thinking about inner-city
regeneration has taken place. Yet again, the latest initiative is not free of thinking
about the city in terms of its global competiveness and hosting major events. After
GBJMJOHUPCFDPNF&VSPQFBO$BQJUBMPG$VMUVSFGPSöôõúUIFJEFBPGJOOFSDJUZSFHFO-
FSBUJPOJTOPXMJOLFEUPBQMBOOFEBQQMJDBUJPOGPSUIF4NBMM&YQPJOöôööPOUIF
theme of revitalisation. One can only guess whether it is the revitalisation itself or the
ambition to host a major event which is seen by the authorities as a remedy for the
city’s problems.
Conclusions
The review of the strategies and three resulting approaches relevant to inner-city
regeneration in Łód illustrate a dynamic transformation of local urban develop-
ment in the twenty-five years since the change of the political system. The initial
stage of inner-city regeneration in the 1990s has been characterised by haphazard
investment by the private sector and the lack of a single coherent city development
strategy. The strongest continuity can be seen in the systematic references to Łód
history and genius loci in two out of three identified regeneration approaches (culture-
led development and mega-project). The pressure points of these references change
over time and went from the entrepreneurial city narration to the multicultural city.
However these two approaches not only refer to the city’s history but also are strongly
inspired by strategies from Western Europe. This is visible in the focus on the concept
of creative classes at the programme level and a somewhat uncritical belief in the
‘Guggenheim Museum effect’ through the creation of iconic architecture. In this
context the most relevant strategic innovation seems to link to the social revitalisa-
tion approach. With its pure gentrification focus in initial stages, as well as linkages
with ‘creative-classes’ discourse, it illustrates that the implementation of truly socially
PSJFOUFETUSBUFHJFTSFRVJSFTTFWFSBMZFBSTPGDBQBDJUBUJPOQSPDFTTJOUIFDJUZCVSFBV-
cracy, among the NGO sector and arguably among citizens themselves. Only after
22
twelve years of experimenting has the approach been scaled up and has a chance to
address the everlasting problem in the inner city that has been poorly reflected in two
PUIFSBQQSPBDIFTTZTUFNJDQPWFSUZBOEEFUSJNFOUBMIPVTJOHDPOEJUJPOT
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